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Reports about Mileva 2019 (1a): The Nobel prize money

Barbara Wolff: „Colosal sacrifices like this ...“
Nobel Prize of Physics for 1921 - what happened with the prize money?

Mileva Einstein in Zureich (Zürich): she bought 3 houses - and she sold 3 houses - since 1948 the two sons are comparing the rest of it

from: MAX PLANCK INSTITUTE FOR THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE: "Derartige kolossale Opfer ... " - Der Nobelpreis für Physik für das Jahr 1921 - was geschah mit dem Preisgeld? (2019) - https://www.mpiwg-berlin.mpg.de/sites/default/files/P493.pdf (78 pages) - 2019 - Preprint N°493

translated by Michael Palomino (2019)
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Friends of Albert Einstein
-- Elisabeth Gabriele in Bavaria, the widow of the Belgian king
-- Svante Arrhenius,
director of the Norwegian Nobel Institute
-- Max von Laue
-- banker Leopold Koppel in Berlin
Albert Karr (-Krüsi), financial adviser of Einstein, was a former employee of AE's uncle Jakob Koch.
-- Hermann Dukas, lawyer in Zurich

Friends of Mileva Einstein in Zurich
-- Michele Besso
-- Heinrich Zangger
-- lawyer Emil Zürcher,
-- Fritz Haber, family friend and mediator for the Einstein family

First house byer of Hutten Street no.62:
Walter Siegmann, notary and authorized representative of the UTO Handels- und Verwaltungs-AG

Burghölzli director (with torture of electronic shocks, water torture etc.):
Manfred Bleuler, psychiatrist, director of Burghölzli

Mentioned literature

-- R. Milentijevic: Mileva Maric Einstein - zivot sa Albertom Ajnstajnom, Belgrade 2012
-- R. Highfield/P. Carter (Die geheimen Leben des Albert Einstein, dtv München 1996
-- The Collected Papers of Albert Einstein, Princeton University Press, 1987ff; vols. 5, 8, 9, 13, 14, 15 (until May 1927 inclusive); online: https://einsteinpapers.press.princeton.edu/
-- R. Schulmann (eds.): Congeniality. The correspondence between Albert Einstein and Heinrich Zangger. Zurich 2012
(original German: Seelenverwandtschaft. Der Briefwechsel zwischen Albert Einstein und Heinrich Zangger. Zürich 2012)
-- R Ettema, C. Mutel: Hans Albert Einstein. His Life as a Pioneering Engineer. Reston, VA 2014

Barbara Wolff: „Colosal victims like this ...“
Nobel Prize of Physics for 1921 - what happened with the prize money?

Barbara Wolff [1]

[1] barbaraw@mail.huji.ac.il


1. " … and is very revolutionary":
From the annus mirabilis of 1905 until 1918
2. "That big colossal sacrifices...":
From the divorce to the Nobel Prize, 1918-1922
3. "... a big part of your fortune":
Coming back from Japan in 1923 - purchasing the first house in 1924
4. "I was always for this ...":
years of - modest - prosperity from the purchase of the first house in 1924 to the summer of 1930, when Mileva buys her third house
5. "... I'm afraid she might collapse completely":
From Mileva's first financial problems with the houses in 1931 to Albert's departure to the United States in late 1932
6. "... in a constant stress":
Mileva's desolate financial situation 1933-1938
7. "I never was obliged to bother about so many fake businesses as here, but I lost my money in a more comfortable way":
The Hutten Street Realty Corporation 1939 to 1946
8. What did Mileva and Eduard live from? "The corporation wants us to go beg ...":
From the decision to sell the house in 1946 until Mileva's death
9. Mileva dies on August 4, 1948. 87,300 Swiss francs in notes:
The dispute over Mileva's estate until the final distribution of the balance between the sons in 1950
10. With the distribution of the money from Mileva's estate in 1950, the last remnants of the Nobel Prize are shifted to the hands of his children, as Albert had in project in 1918 74
11. Footnotes 77
12. Sources


[[Abbreviations (from p.77)
Albert Einstein: AE
Mileva Einstein-Maric: Mileva
Hans Albert Einstein: Hans Albert
Eduard Einstein (Tete, Teddy): Eduard
Otto Nathan: Otto Nathan
Heinrich Zangger: Zangger
Georg Guggenheim: Guggenheim
Huttenstraße Realty Corporation: Corporation HuttRC]]

[[Dr. jur Heinrich Meili, legal guardian (official guardian) of Eduard and Mileva Einstein: HM]]


In 2015, a woman lawyer from the German town of Augsburg published a neat little booklet "how Mileva Einstein secured Albert's Nobel Prize money" [2],

[2] Anne-Kathrin Kilg-Meyer: How Mileva Einstein secured Albert's Nobel Prize money (original German: Wie sich Mileva Einstein Alberts Nobelpreisgeld sicherte). Munich 2015.

is just one of several authors who have asked questions about the whereabouts of this prize money in recent years and found remarkable, questionable answers to them.

Did Albert actually pass on the prize money to "the exiled", his first wife Mileva? Can one even understand this gesture as a late recognition of Mileva's contribution to all the physical research results that were published in the twelve years of their life together under Albert Einstein's name? Didn't he keep some of the prize money for himself, misappropriated it, botched it? Or is it just the great stock market crash in the United States that is responsible for the fact that Mileva has been constantly in need of money for the last two decades of her life? Who bought and when were the three houses bought in Zurich, which soon proved to be unprofitable and could not hold Mileva? Were these houses foreclosed? Or did Mileva sell them because the care of the sick son devoured ever greater sums of money?

"The cleverly invented legends is no end." [3]

[3] AE to Elisabeth Gabriele in Bavaria, the widow of the Belgian king, March 28,1954. In: De Dijn, Raisin: Albert Einstein and Elisabeth of Belgium: A friendship in turbulent times. Regensburg 2016, p.166.

Albert made jokes yet one year before his death profiting of all the commodities of such a lucrative award as a Nobel Prize, but there were also problems he had with this, but this had passed. Well, in 1954, this past was not so far away.

The story of the Nobel Prize for Physics for the year of 1921 started in 1905.

1. " … and is very revolutionary":
From the annus mirabilis of 1905 until 1918

Albert was a clerk in the Patent Office of Bern, and he said to his friend Konrad, a math teacher and with a Dr. title since a short time: "You frozen whale, you smoked, dried, tinned piece of soul", well, Konrad still has not sent him his dissertation for reading [p.1]. Albert misses the stimulating exchange with the two friends of the "Academy Olympia" who have left Bern. But in his old friend Michele Besso, who had also become his colleague in the Patent Office in May 1904, he discovered a new 'sounding board', and thus he can offer Konrad Habicht four works from his own pen this spring of 1905, the first one already in short: "it is about the radiation and the energetic properties of light and is very revolutionary." [4]

[4] AE to Konrad Habicht, 18 or 25 May 1905.

15 years later, Albert Einstein achieved world fame with another work with a catchy title in the early 1920s, inspiring the imagination of 'every coachman and every waiter'

     [5] AE to Marcel Grossmann, Sep.12, 1920

and which the world identifies the physicist even in the 21st century: The "Theory of Relativity".

In 1922, however, the Nobel Prize was bestowed on him primarily for the "revolutionary" work of 1905.

When he wrote them, he was not yet a doctorate. Five years later - the Berne patent clerk was appointed just one year ago an extraordinary professor for theoretical physics at the University of Zurich - he is nominated for the Nobel Prize the first time - and it's very interesting, by a professor who did not want to hire him as an assistant before.

In 1912 four colleagues already proposed him for the Nobel Prize in Physics, and until 1917 there are 11 scientists nominating Albert Einstein all in all 14 times. Almost all are justificating their vote indicating that the principle of relativity would be one of the most significant advances in science. After 1915 this includes the "General Theory of Relativity".

Does Albert know about it?

The fact that he was not on the short list is also due to the fact that the decision-making body, the Nobel Foundation, is measuring and controling the theory making proofs. They say it would be too early; they wait for empirical proofs yet. May be it would not be a real detection or invention [p.2] but it would be only a speculative hypothesis. Sceptic people indicate that it would be a "question of belief" if one would trust this theory or not. Albert himself has no doubt about his findings. The question of a woman student asking how he would react when the eclipse data of 1919 would not confirm his calculations, he is answering just like this: "But I am sorry for the dear God. Because the theory is correct." [6]

[6] Quoted in Rosenthal-Schneider, Use: Reality and Scientific Truth. Detroit 1980, p.74.

[Proofs are other ones:
-- Einstein could no high mathematics and always needed the collaboration with his first wife Mileva Einstein (born Maric)
-- Einstein gave in his works of 1905 with a double name Einstein-Maric, which the directorate of the review "Annals of Physics" was shortening eliminating the family name of Mileva dropping her - and he did NOT protest
-- Einstein and the review "Annals of Physics" were committing a gang crime against Mileva stealing her copyright and her honor
-- the works of Einstein-Maric had NO sources indicated and all was stolen from other physicists, it was a combination of thefts
-- and with the eclipse of 1919 it was like this: aberration of starlight by the sun was already searched in 1914 by other physicists, so also this was stolen and the physicists of 1914 remained without honor].

2. "That big colossal sacrifices...":
From the divorce to the Nobel Prize, 1918-1922

Albert is so convinced to win a Nobel Prize in future that he is speculating with the Nobel Prize money already before he gets the money, so in January 1918 he offers his wife a new div orce condition promising her the Nobel Prize money.

In the case of a divorce, the Nobel Prize money would be completely relinquished a priori to you in the case that I win it. You will have the full interests. The capital would be be in a deposit in Switzerland and would be secured for the children [7].

[7] AE to Mileva, January 31, 1918

Favorably and profitably the prize money could yield interest, which would perhaps replace the current maintenance payments completely or at least partly - a significant, highly desirable relief in these years with limits of currency traffic and fluctuating exchange rates, so Albert could often fulfill his duties to his Zurich family only with difficulties and seldom to the satisfaction of all involved,.

But he warns: Of course, such colossal sacrifices I would only bring in the case of voluntary divorce. [8]

[8] AE to Mileva, January 31, 1918

Apparently, Mileva shares Albert's confidence. His offer seems to promise her the desired security and so, encouraged by her friends Michele Besso [p.3] and Heinrich Zangger and advised by lawyer Emil Zürcher, she permits negotiations.

In April 1918 - the negotiations are progressing, but "the horrible events in the big world" [9]

[9] original German: "die schauerlichen Vorgänge in der grossen Welt" - AE to Zangger, April 22, 1918.

and his desolate state of health promote gloomy thoughts - Albert's confidence has suffered a loss. After all, it would be possible for him to be denied the Nobel Prize. In order to secure the maintenance of his Zurich family in this case, he makes another concession. He would deposit commercial papers (CPs) with a value of 40,000 marks in Switzerland: "It's everything I own; a big part of it is in two big scientific prizes that I received recently." [10]

[10] AE to Mileva, before May 8, 1918.

He also lets know this his friend Zangger and adds (translation):

You certainly laugh that I say that to you with a certain pride; but for my children, it does mean something that in the case of my death, they are not so dependent on friends. I had this experience myself. [11]

[11] AE to Zangger, before May 8, 1918; s.a. AE to Zangger, June 24, 1918

Also for these CPs should coiunt: the interests are available to Mileva, but not the capital. If the Nobel Prize finally came to him, the 40,000 marks would be deducted from the prize money. [12]

[12] AE to Mileva, April 23, 1918.

The maintenance, which should consist of interest and, if necessary, Albert's additional payments, is now fixed in Swiss francs; it amounts to 8,000 Swiss francs a year, a good 10% more than Albert had offered three months earlier. This is, compared to the increased consumer prices in the course of the war years in Switzerland, although only about 75% of what was fixed in summer of 1914 "generously" on the base of the Berlin professor's salary of Albert [13],  but it was still above the average income of an employee who has to feed a family in Zurich [14]. In June 1918, the "first-class commercial papers with a today's market value of 40,000 marks" have arrived in Zurich [15].

[13] AE to Elsa Einstein, July 30, 1914
[14] A simple worker in Zurich in 1918 with a 50 hours work week gets about half of Mileva's support (see the Swiss Statistical Yearbook, 1919ff. online)

[15] AE to Mileva, June 4, 1918; around the middle of 1918, 40,000 Marks equals 30,000 SFr; with the fall in the exchange rate of the mark against the Swiss franc and hyperinflation, the value of these commercial papers is falling

and the divorce agreement, legally formulated by Milevas [S.4] lawyer Mr. Emil Zürcher, can be signed. There is the indication:

In the case of divorce, and when he receives the Nobel Prize, Prof. Einstein transfers his capital minus 40,000 marks to Mrs. Mileva Einstein and deposits this capital on a Swiss bank. [16]

[16] original German: "Herr Prof. Einstein überträgt im Fall der Scheidung und falls er den Nobelpreis erhält, das Kapital desselben abzüglich 40.000 Mark der Frau Mileva Einstein zu Eigentum und hinterlegt dieses Kapital auf einer Schweizer Bank." - see the "Agreement", June 12, 1918; however, in Emil Zürcher's letter to AE dated of June 2, 1923, Mileva's lawyer leaves no doubt that "the capital ... is reserved for the children ...", as well as that the administration is not entitled to the woman owner alone.

Mileva may freely dispose of the interest, but not of the capital itself without the consent of Albert. There is no indication that this capital will be "secured for the children". Albert did not notice this change?

Perhaps he was so happy about the coming end of the long and bitter process getting the final version of the treaty so he did nod pay much attention to the treaty any more. Perhaps he considered also paragraph 4b as a replacement where was fixed that in the case of another marriage of Mileva or in the case of her death the money would fall to Hans Albert and Eduard. What would happen with the capital in the case of his own death? This does not seem to be important for him at this moment. He just said: "I was busy with many conditions after my death so it seems quite odd that I am still alive." [17]

[17] AE to Mileva, April 23, 1918.

[Einstein's proposals: Mileva should live in Southern Germany]

But until now he has not got yet the Nobel Prize and the obligations for supporting his family in Zurich in Swiss Francs will become very problematic because of the fast devaluation of the German Mark [18].

[18] AE is repeatedly trying to convince Mileva that a change to live in southern Germany would be only an advantage, and the reaction of Mileva will be always the same: she feels at home at Zurich Mountain in Zurich and she rather accepts material restrictions than being lured from Zurich ,

Now, since 1920 Einstein gets more and more payments in foreign currency which can be transferred directly to Zurich, but the big turnaround comes only four years after the divorce. Within 5 years only few percent of the original sum. What revenue Mileva gets from the commercial papers (CPs) during the years of hyperinflation is not known [p.5].

[Japan trip in Octobre 1922 - letter for Nobel Prize in December 1922]

In October 1922, Einstein wants to begin a lecture tour in Japan, together with his second wife Elsa, he is invited by the Japanese publishing house Kaizo-Sha, and all is well planned, he cannot resist 'to the sirens of East Asia' [19], but then in September 1922, a letter of Svante Arrhenius comes in, the director of the Norwegian Nobel Institute. He is an insider of the team which decides about the award. The latter states that Einstein's precence in Stockholm in December 1922 "probably will be much desired" [20].

[19] AE to Paul Ehrenfest, March 15, 1922
[20] Svante Arrhenius to AE on or before Sep.17, 1922. A similar encrypted message is sent by Max von Laue, apparently informed by Arrhenius, the following day.

Is Albert considering for a moment considering delaying the trip to Japan? It does not look that way. He informs his colleague Arrhenius that he is incapable of doing so because "by contract with Japan irrevocably bound." [21] As early as June, he had named friend Zangger another reason for this trip:

"I'm desperately longing for loneliness, and that's why I'm going to Japan [...] because that means 12 weeks of rest on the sea." [22]

[21] AE to Svante Arrhenius, Sep.20, 1922
[22] AE to Zangger, June 18, 1922

Nobody will be surprised that after the murder of Walther Rathenau and the attack on Maximilian Harden, also "he himself is a projected target by ethnic national (völkisch) attacks" [23], Albert Einstein sticks to his travel plans. The promised invitation to Sweden, he answers Arrhenius, is only deferred, as he hopes, and not canceled. [27] During a stopover in Shanghai in mid-November, the official message arrives. That he has actually been awarded the Nobel Prize, but Einstein does not consider this worth an entry in his travel diary any more. Mentioning this award in a letter from Kyoto mid of December the first time, he is just joking about it: "Well, you will really get the Nobel Prize", he writes to his sons. "You will be so rich then that I will be the person lending money from you again." [25]

[23] AE to Max Planck, July 6, 1922; AE to Wilhelm Solf, Dec.20, 1922
[24] AE to Svante Arrhenius, Sep.20, 1922

[25] original German: „Nun kriegt Ihr also wirklich den Nobelpreis“, schreibt er seinen Söhnen. „Ihr seid dann so reich, dass ich Euch weiss Gott noch einmal werde anpumpen müssen.“ AE to Hans Albert, Eduard, Dec.17, 1922


[Einstein is also a communist
This Albert Einstein is politically a fool, because he also makes actions to support communists in prisons, without ever having seen the Soviet Union or the concentration camps of Lenin and Stalin (Gulag). That means: Einstein supports communist Jews instead of impoverished Germans. And because of these activities for communists, Albert Einstein is registered at the intelligence services and is spied for a lifetime until his death].

3. "... a big part of your fortune":
Coming back from Japan in 1923 - purchasing the first house in 1924

The price sum is 121,572.54 Swedish Crowns (kroner) [26] the equivalent of more than a dozen of his annual incomes in Berlin [27]. This is communicated to Albert probably only after his return to Berlin.

[26] s. Check of the Stockholm Enskilda Bank from December 11, 1922
[27] An accurate calculation of his income in Berlin is extremely problematic, especially in these months of hyperinflation. The estimate is based on the salary he received from the Academy, the University and the Kaiser Wilhelm Society. Further, less continuous, albeit higher incomes, e.g. for his work on the gyrocompass or the income on the shares of the Swiss Auer Society, funds which in the past few years were probably passed on to the Zurich family are only mentioned by the way here.

Does he regret this having sacrificed his Nobel Prize money in 1918 for "getting order in his private relations" [28] corresponding to the safety needs of Mileva which were not unjustified? Years later, his friends Fritz Haber and Heinrich Zangger will make their own statements from their point of view years concerning this money. In May 1923, when the prize money became real in the form of a bank statement from Stockholm's Enskilda Bank, only a seemingly trivial fact is the proof how Albert is feeling. In an unusual touch of mischief, he claims that thanks to the "dear capitalist care" of Arrhenius [29] the accumulated interest since the day of the award ceremony in December of last year would be his [30].

[28] AE to Mileva, Jan.31, 1918; in other words, "after all the years of fighting, since [Elsa] is finally at her goal and AE is ready to marry her"; s. Ilse Einstein to Georg Nicolai, May 22, 1918.
[29] AE to Svante Arrhenius, March 23, 1923
[30] AE at Stockholm's Enskilda Bank, 28.5.1923.

This is just under 1½% of the total, these are 1,659.24 Swedish Crowns (kroner), about 440 $ or - in Germany, inflation has reached unprecedented heights - about 300 million marks.

[1923: After 8 years of poverty the Nobel Prize money makes problems: discussions about transfers, taxes, investments]

In mid-March 1923, on the way back to Berlin, Albert had visited Mileva and his sons in Zurich and certainly already discussed details of the transfer of funds. It was important to consider the taxes, the nature of the investment and the question of whether, given the uncertain economic situation, it might not be better to invest the money outside Europe [S.7].

Only one thing was certain from the beginning on: Mileva wants to buy a house - a plan that Albert supports - and she wants immediately have about 45,000 francs at hand. While Albert in Berlin is advised by banker Leopold Koppel, Mileva and nineteen-year-old Hans Albert in Zurich, among others, make investigations at the "secretary of taxation" and come to the conclusion that the capital taxes incurred in Switzerland are so small - above all when not "just all is indicated" - so "one can quietly deposit money here." [31]

[31] Hans Albert to AE, March 28, 1923

But Koppel warns Albert from this; instead, he suggests that the remaining sum which is not invested into a house should be invested dollars. For this action, he recommends the private bank Ladenburg, Thalmann & Co. in New York, with whom he maintains business relations himself [32].

[32] Founded in 1876, Ladenburg Thalmann quickly became one of the most influential private merchant banking firms, a major financial intermediary between America, Great Britain and the European Continent. (see Mossad Wikipedia: Ladenburg Thalmann).

Mileva is worried of the idea that the money should not come to her and her children in Switzerland but to America. She writes alarming letters to Albert but the letters come late because in April 1923, Albert is in Kiel for one week, and in May he is in Leiden two weeks. Now Mileva is waiting for answers and her anxiety is becoming greater and greater; Albert answers in an easy and kindly way not convincing her at all. While he writes about taxes and other taxes that can be saved in favor of the Zurich family, when capital is invested on his, Albert's, name, she suspects that Albert wants to withhold the money from her and the children [33].

[33] AE to Mileva, May 18, 1923; AEs letter from May 2, 1923 Mileva gets only on May 25, 1923.

Now she is urging the immediate transfer of the 45,000 SFr, which are intended for purchasing a home. She still has no particular house in view. Maybe she does not dare to go into bargaining before she sees the money in her account; but perhaps she also thinks quite pragmatically about the 'cash in the hand', which in any case is preferable to the 'fake promises'.

On May 23, 1923, Albert is announcing Mileva the transfer of 45,000 Swiss francs to the business account of his Zurich friend Albert Karr, who has been Albert's Swiss financial adviser for many years [34].

[34] Albert Karr (-Krüsi) was a former employee of AE's uncle Jakob Koch.

The remainder of the sum, he writes, is deposited on her, Milevas name [p.8], in dollar bonds at the New York bank, unless she telegraphically prevents "the deposit being made in your name." Albert is convinced that, thanks to Koppel's assistance, he has done everything well and carefully: Liquid money will be invested safely at an interest rate of 7-8%, the interest will be paid to Mileva; Albert claims the administration of capital under his authority "until further notice". "Do your job well!" ("Macht auch Ihr Eure Sache gut!") he encourages Mileva, expecting to buy a house soon for his Zurich family [35].

[35] AE to Mileva, May 23, 1923; s.a. AE to Leopold Koppel, May 23, 1923; AE to Elsa Einstein, June 27, 1923. AE's transfer order to Stockholm's Enskilda Bank on May 28, 1923, formulated in Koppel's office, reads:
"I ask you charging my fortune at your bank with Frs. 45,000.- transferring this to Mr. Albert Karr [...] at the disposal of Mrs. Mileva Einstein [...]. "
(original German:
„Ich bitte Sie zu Lasten meines Guthabens bei Ihnen Frs. 45.000.- […] an Herrn Albert Karr […] zur Verfügung von Frau Mileva Einstein […] zu senden.“)
The remainder of the money was to be transferred in favor of Ms. Mileva Einstein, Zurich, to the private bank Ladenburg Thalmann & Co. in New York.

Albert is informing also Albert Karr about the transaction the same day. He should have the 45,000 SFr at disposal for Mileva: "They will serve as a prepayment for a house to buy (maybe also only 40,000 of it)." [36]

[36] AE to Albert Karr, 23.5.1923; Albert Karr will misunderstand this formulation and report to the Zurich-based Einstein family that there are 40,000 SFr available for them; s. Hans Albert to AE, about mid-June 1923.

On May 25, 1923, Albert's letter of May 2, 1923 arrived in Zurich and caused Mileva to panic. Telegraphically, she implores Albert "to wait with dispositions." [37] - Didn't she receive Albert's card of May 23, 1923?

[37] Mileva to AE, May 25, 1923.

The next day, she vehemently expresses her bewilderment in a letter. She could "definitely not understand", which is why the money should be placed abroad, but above all should not be deposited in her name. The small Swiss property tax may not be a reason for this; she appeals to the divorce contract. Her maternal concern for the material security of her children is clearly compounded by an irrational mistrust of her ex-husband and father [38].

     [38] Mileva to AE, May 26, 1923.

In fact, Albert's actions contradict the wording of the divorce agreement of 1918-1919. But the changed, 1923 highly uncertain economic situation calls for other measures. Albert follows the advice of the "banker, philanthropist, scholar of science" Leopold Koppel, whom he considers to be trustworthy and selfless [p.9].

Convinced that in the best interest of his Zurich family, he has made the best of his father's responsibility, he finds Mileva's suspicions offensive. "I just have to wonder again and again about your ingratitude and your distrust," he outraged. "I still want to see another divorced woman who gets everything by sacrifice and who is behaving so badly." [39]
[39] original German: „Ich muss mich nur immer aufs Neue über Deine Undankbarkeit und Dein Misstrauen wundern“, empört er sich. „Ich möchte noch eine geschiedene Frau sehen, der man alles opfert, und die sich so schlecht dabei benimmt.“ - AE to Mileva, May 30, 1923.

"In great consternation" Mileva seeks assistance from an old confidant, public prosecutor Emil Zürcher, who copies her argument: if she easily agrees to a modification of the divorce agreement and the New York bank becomes insolvent, how will argue the orphanage of Zurich accusing her not having fulfilled her duties? Therefore, the lawyer considers it "safer and easier to fulfill the contract" and after this can be sought a court approval for a revision of the arrangements considering the changed economic situation [40].

[40] Emil Zürcher to AE, June 2, 1923.

But the decision, which considers Albert appropriate, has long since fallen, 45,000 SFr. have been sent to Zurich, the "rest of the N.P. is already in New York and is excellently stored", he lets know the sons in a happy way. "I want to explain everything exactly to you then, l. Albert", he promises and is "terribly happy" for a future holiday together [41].

[41] AE to Hans Albert, Eduard, June 9, 1923; the amount transferred to New York is $ 24,210.92 [[in those times, 1 dollar is more or less 4.20 Swiss Francs]].

Now the elder son Hans Albert writes a flashy letter being like a bolt from the blue to Einstein. It may be an acceptable mistake only respecting an "approximate accuracy" with the sum which had been transferred to Albert Karr - 40,000 Swiss Francs, as Karr mentioned, or 45,000 Swiss Francs, as Mileva should wait for after Albert's announcement. But more important it would be "considering the money as ours" to have a certificate from the New York bank about Mileva's portfolio. "If you would deny us this we would have to assume you have no intention of letting us have the money." [42]

[42] original German: „Wenn Du uns diese Sache verweigern würdest müssten wir annehmen Du habest nicht die Absicht uns das Geld zu lassen.“ - Hans Albert to AE, between 8 and 20 June 1923.

This reproach was modified in the next sentence when Hans Albert is confessing that he could not imagine such an intention, but Albert Einstein remains deeply offended now. That [p.10] a 19 years old is finding hard words for the mischief of his mother [43] than the lawyer in Zurich, will not have astunished him. When he also recognizes the "anger because of the seperation", and he "has partly given the last shirt [for Mileva and the sons] [44], he cannot forget simply how Hans Albert is writing brutal words and lack of respect before the father [45]

[43] s. Hermann Anschütz-Kaempfe to AE, July 24, 1923
[44] AE to Hermann Anschütz-Kaempfe, July 26, 1923.
[45] AE to Zangger, after June 9, 1923.

[Albert Einstein deleted the projected holiday with Hans Albert]

He deletes the holiday together with Hans Albert from the calendar and answers the disrespectful child in a letter that Mileva intercepts and destroys with the explanation: "It would not be right for you later if he would read these harsh words from you." [46] Mileva might see that right. But she also says that she could not understand why Albert "would be so irreconcilably angry" [47] - well, this seems to be a little fake from her side.

[46] AE to Mileva, after June 9, 1923.
[47] Mileva and Hans Albert to Hermann Anschütz-Kaempfe, before July 24, 1923.

The documents, which Hans Albert has demanded as proof of Mileva's ownership of the New York account, arrived in Berlin in mid-July 1923. Albert sends them immediately to Zurich, being addressed to the thirteen-year-old Eduard, who now plays the role of mediator in the tense situation [48]. The next day, Einstein writes an additional letter to son Eduard in the economic chaos in Europe: "Tell Mama," writes his father, worried about the increasingly confused economic situation in Europe, "that it is extremely unfavorable to let the 45,000 Swiss francs months in the bank." In fact, the Swiss franc is sinking in correlation to more stable currencies for several months. If a house is not bought immediately, it would be advisable to exchange the francs in dollars, better still into Swedish, Danish or Argentine dollar bonds in order to avoid a loss of interest. Mileva may write to America immediately [49].

[48] ​​AE to Eduard, July 15, 1923; s.a. AE to Elsa Einstein, June 27, 1923
[49] AE to Eduard, July 16, 1923.

[August 1923: Holiday on Sylt Island - arrangement with son Hans Albert]

But meanwhile, Mileva and Eduard have arrived on Sylt Island [[North Germany, rich German holiday island]] and are relaxing there, being unconcerned about the capital, which is in project to be invested in Swiss francs, and Swiss inflation is not even 2% in this year, so there is not much danger that it will melt away.

Thanks to the intervention of prudent friends, the open conflict between Albert and Hans Albert will be resolved before the end of the summer. And after the holiday days that have finally been spent together, the father finds that his Filius is "more splendid than ever [p.11] before and perfectly impeccable in his behavior [...]. If there were no bad influences, he would be an ideal son." [50]

[50] AE to Elsa Einstein, August 14, 1923; s.a. AE to Zangger, August 29, 1923; to Elsa Einstein, Sep. 2, 1923; to Paul Ehrenfest, Sep.12, 1923.

[End of 1923: Swiss franc is falling - Einstein means, Mileva should buy a house now before it's falling more]

In November 1923, a reminder from the tax office reminds Albert of the money which is not used but was said to be urgent for Zurich [51].

[51] In reply to the request of the tax office of the Berlin district Beautiful Mountain (Schöneberg), Ms. Ilse Einstein explains: "The 40,000 M, which should be returned to my father after receiving the Nobel Prize according to the divorce contract, have actually never been paid to him, because this sum after the return of my father from Japan at the end of March this year had lost all real value as a result of the devaluation of the currency."
(original German:
„Die 40.000 M., die gemäss Ehescheidungsvertrag nach Empfang des Nobelpreises meinem Vater wieder zurückgegeben werden sollten, sind tatsächlich nie an ihn ausgezahlt worden, da diese Summe nach der Rückkehr meines Vaters aus Japan Ende März dieses Jahres durch die Geldentwertung jeden realen Wert eingebüsst hatte.“) - Nov.15, 1923.

"What about buying a house?" he asks. "I am sorry that I have sent you the money, as I foresee definitely that it will go down with the Swiss franc exchange rate." If a larger tenement, as Mileva seems to be looking for, was nowhere to be found, she ought to consider buying a smaller house or have Albert invest the money in America. "Remember that it's a big part of your fortune, and that you really depend on it to be well managed." [52]

[52] AE to Hans Albert, Eduard, Nov.24, 1923.

While Albert is convinced that he has fulfilled his obligations under the divorce contract responsibly and properly, Mileva remains with diffuse doubts not being calm again. Around the turn of the year 1923/24, she looks for help with Fritz Haber. Mr. Haber, a proven mediator in Einstein's family conflicts and full of friendly understanding of Mileva's concern, promises to have sessions with Albert. But he warns: "If money for a longer future is completely sure better in the "USA" than in Switzerland, this is an earnest question and has to be evaluated by you seriously." Also he sees that the Swiss franc is losing significant value against the dollar [53].

[53] Fritz Haber to Mileva, Jan.16, 1924.

[Arrangement 1924: now the whole Nobel Prize money is Mileva's property - Mr. Haber is managing the matter]

However, Mileva's eternal questions worrying without end are showing a formal problem: last year, Albert had told the New York bank to invest the prize money on Mileva's name and pay interest to her. But this was not a legal transaction of fortune as it seems, because with this the dollar bonds are not yet Mileva's property - the Swedish, Danish and Argentine dollar bonds. Mr. Haber [p.12] is managing this problem with good energy and respecting all sensitivities of both parts, so the legally correct step can be made on Feb. 1, 1924 [54].

Under Haber's [p.12] well-meaning and sensitive to the sensitivities of both parties directing takes place the legally correct step on 1 February 1924 [54].

[54] s. Fritz Haber to AE, Feb.1, 1924; Fritz Haber to Mileva, Feb.1, 1924; AE to Ladenburg Thalmann, Feb. 1, 1924; AE to Mileva, Feb. 1, 1924; Ladenburg Thalmann to AE, Feb. 28, 1924.

"Haber was kind enough," Albert tells the sons the following day, "to do business properly in New York. Hopefully, peace and contentment will now settle in." He is worried about the fact that 45,000 francs remain unused in Zurich. He again offers to take care of another system if no house is bought [55].

[55] AE to Hans Albert, Eduard, Feb.2, 1924.

The plan to buy a house was constantly in Mileva's projects. But peace and contentment will not come for a long time yet. Haber's empathetic mediation does not change that, either, [56] and Albert is wrong when, in late February 1924, he considers "the annoying Nobel Prize affair" to have been completed and can happily "bury the battle ax" [57].

     [56] Fritz Haber to Mileva, Feb.14, 1924; Fritz Haber to AE, March 14, 1924.
     [57] AE to Hans Albert, Eduard, Feb.23, 1924.

[Zurich, April 1924: Mileva negotiating for a house purchase - may 1924: house purchase]

In April 1924 Mileva enters into negotiations with the seller of a five-story apartment building on Zurich Mountain (Zürichberg). Albert Einstein is informed first by his friend Mr. Zangger: "If all goes well, the next time a house will be bought which she will enjoy it." The rest sounds less encouraging: losses are almost impossible, but the return is minimal. The income from the rents less the mortgage interest estimates Zangger to 3500 Sfr p.a., from which repair and other running costs must be deducted [58].

    [58] Zangger to AE, after April 12, 1924.

Albert comments like this: "There will be much administration and problems and there is not much more as when the money is invested in another way". But a house is a safe possesion, safer than commercial papers. "When you like this matter basically", he writes, also when he had more awaited the purchase of a singe-family house, then he would not put them a stone for blocking them [59].

[59] AE to Mileva, April 19, 1924.

It makes Albert wondering that Mileva has "much courage, perhaps too much with this small fortune." [60] But since he does not want to make his own judgment from a distance [p.13], he gives the consent, which is no longer required here, on the condition that friend Zangger finally approves the purchase [61].

[60] AE to Elsa Einstein, May 15, 1924; s.a. AE to Zangger, May 5, 1924.
[61] AE to Mileva, May 12, 1924; s. a. Mileva to Zangger, May 26, 1924.

At the end of May, contract negotiations are short before completion. Mileva's melancholy overshadows the opportunity for a new beginning. With nothing at all, she writes to the ex-husband, even with the house she can not be really happy about all that lies behind them [62]. Does that only mean the dispute that darkened the previous year? Albert is not worried about his sons. They have grown "very solid [...], so they will probably not go down by the Nobel Prize."

[62] Mileva to AE, June 8, 1924.
[63] AE to Michele Besso, May 24, 1924.

[[Mileva Einstein will never be able to get over the fact that the Jewish Einstein family with the racist-Jewish parents Hermann and Pauline Einstein and the Jewish racist Einstein family members in Berlin robbed her of Albert, who is now flying aroung in the highest circles of science and nobility, but still can no high mathematics...]].

4. "I was always for this ...": years of - modest - prosperity from the purchase of the first house in 1924 to the summer of 1930, when Mileva buys her third house

[[So, it seems that the Einsteins have simply played too much Monopoly where the costs for house administration and house repairs are NOT included, nor political changes (!!!)]]

At the beginning of June 1924, Mileva signs the contract of sale and Albert wishes "luck and all the necessary tenants who will pay and not annoy you more than you annoy them." [64]

[64] AE to Hans Albert, Eduard, Mileva, June 17, 1924.

[Zurich, house Hutten Street 62 - price 195,000 Swiss francs - 150,000 of these in 3 mortgages]

At the end of July [[1924]], Einstein had commitments at the League of Nations Geneva and then holidays with his sons Hans Albert and Eduard in the Allgäu in South Germany. On the way he passed Zurich looking at the purchased house. He thought that Mileva's purchase seemed to be good, considering it "an effective result of his research work (pondering)" [65], and he consideres this also as a proof ahtat he is able to secure the future of his children, not failing like his own parents.

[65] ibidem; In 1933 [[when Einstein rebels against Nazi Germany and quits everything in Berlin]], Mileva will reaffirm this viewpoint by offering AE and his second wife a temporary stay in their apartment: "I think that this house - a source of your work - should not only be our home, but should be a house for you, too [...] when you [...] have lost yours." Mileva to AE, April 24, 1933

This purchase house was at Hutten Street (Huttenstraße) 62, built in 1909, is located on the border between the Zurich districts of Oberstrass and Fluntern, which were incorporated in 1893. In the first decades of the 20th century, a residential area with multi-storey, partly very comfortable, freestanding tenements with central heating, bathroom and electric light for the up-and-coming bourgeoisie was built on the former vineyards above the university and the Polytechnic.

Around 1920, a family living in [p.14] a 140 m² flat pays an annual rent of 4000 Sfr. Only wealthy citizens can afford that. The house, which is now Mileva's house, "almost new, in a prime location [...], solidly built and with unobstructed views of lake and mountains" has an estimated value of about 220,000 SFr. The purchase price is 195,000 SFr., 150,000 of these are fixed in three mortgages [66].

[66] s. Purchase contract, May 28, 1924.

[Zurich Hutten Street 62: Mileva moving in in Sep. 1924 - big roof repair in 1925]

Mileva pays 45,000 SFr to the previous owner and thus becomes the house owner. She gets the rents of the tenants, this income is for the mortgage interest and for taxes and for house repairs. When it's needed, she can raise the rents within the law. End of September 1924, she moves in the 6 room flat in the third floor of her house. Now she lives without paying rent. Two rooms of the big flat are rented or are for girlfriends and doughters of girlfriends for short or longer stays in Switzerland.

According to the divorce agreement, Albert is now exempted from his payment obligations as long as Mileva's income from the rents and interest paid by the money invested in America is at least 8,000 Swiss francs per year. Her financial independence, and the newly acquired wealth, let Mileva's bitterness subside and in her letters Albert discovers a new tone: "Sincere and satisfied [...] as since Olims times no more." [67]

[67] original German: „herzlich und zufrieden [...] wie seit Olimszeiten nicht mehr.“ - AE to Mileva, Aug. 14, 1925; s.a. AE to Maja Winteler-Einstein, Sep.14, 1925.

[Zurich Hutten Street 62: Big roof repair in 1925 - Einstein gives private credit]

In summer 1925, a big roof repair is needed provoking a disbalance of Mileva's budget. Vor covering the cost she chould sell American CPs. Albert is assisting against this; he wants to gove Mileva a credit trusting her that she will pay all back at the latest by the end of next year [68]. Because, he defends his offer to the skeptical wife Elsa, "normally there remains enough of the income." [69]

[68] AE to Mileva, Aug.14, 1925.
[69] AE to Elsa Einstein, Aug. 21, 1925.


Albert's offer to Mileva seems quite reasonable. The money that now accumulates in his Berlin account - a security reserve from which he sets aside a portion for the sons - brings less interest than capital in "America". By plugging the hole in Mileva's current budget without having to attack her capital, Albert shows caution and a sense of responsibility.

[Einstein's testament for his Zurich family and for his Berlin family - new discussions about testament and a certified statement]

It is probably this sense of responsibility and the knowledge that in his hands for some years, more and more possessions accumulates, which arouses desires [70] that cause him in the fall of 1925 to establish a new testament (last will). If there is a possibility to inhibit any fight between the two families after his death fighting for his enharitage, he wants to arrange this before. He simply wants that both families will be well supplied. For this, he writes to Mileva: "For that, I need a legally certified statement,"

"that you and the children, after receiving the Nobel Prize, make no claims to what I leave behind." [71]

[70] look: Controversy about the ownership of the manuscript of the General Theory of Relativity (GTR) in the years 1921-1925.
[71] AE to Mileva, Sep.26, 1925.

Now Mileva is dreaming what she and her sons will loose when she would sign such a certified statement of disclaimer. Perhaps she imagined a good life as members of loafers class "M.o.L." [72]

[72] AE to Mileva, o.D. End of February / beginning of March 1930.

which she never wanted to have on the cost of her children - nor on her own cost, and she shought of richness which could fall into the hands of rival Elsa dne their daughters, who were presente as Albert's daughters from time to teim in German newspapers, when her ex would get more and more financial rewarding honors.

Maybe she did not read the rest of the sentence at all. The other part of the sentence reads, "apart from what I specifically designate for my children in my will."

This part for the children had been defined by Albert in spring 1925 in a testament draft: his violins, his books, and all "papers" would be of the will of the sons, above all his scientific manuscripts which were already now [p.16] wanted collector's items, speculation objects with rising value in future [73].

[73] Testament, March 1, 1925; s.a. AE to Elsa Einstein, April 15, 1925.

[Addition: Manuscripts from 1905 don't exist any more (!)
However, as it turns out in 1943, when a war organization wants to auction the manuscript with the Theory of Relativity, this Einstein himself must admit that he has DESTROYED the manuscript of 1905 - so that seems a bad joke, what this Einstein is writing in his 1925 testament (!)].

Does Mileva know this? She ignores Albert's request for the certified statement. Three weeks later he intervenes: "Send me soon the desired statement that I can also take care of my local people. Otherwise, I would be forced to bare myself of any possessions during my lifetime." [74]

[74] AE to Mileva, Oct, 17, 1925.

Once before, in 1918, when he promised Mileva the Nobel Prize money, he "bared himself from any possessions." In 1925, such an act would differ only slightly from what he always does in small steps anyway, for example by shifting an account with his income from the USA trip to his stepdaughter Ilse, or with his Dutch income was financed a "house and estate" ("Haus und Gütchen") for his sister Maja in 1924 [75].

[75] AE to Sigmund Zeisler, March 28, 1924; s.a. Maja Winteler-Einstein to AE, Dec.4, 1924; s. AE to Vero Besso, Aug.9, 1952.

He never has the feeling to need to accumulate a big fortune. Pleading for a written declaration he above all wants Mileva's trust for his project to take responsible decisions about his possession.

Mileva does not want to give him the trust. Even Alberts third call is left without answer. This time he writes this "declaration" in clear words:

Since Prof. Albert Einstein has ceded most of his possessions in the form of the Nobel Prize to his divorced wife, Mrs. Mileva Einstein, during his lifetime, which ownership will pass on the way of inheritance to his sons, Albert and Eduard, the sons declare that they will resign to any claims of Prof. Einstein that do not correspond to the will left by her father [p.17].

(original German:
Da Prof. Albert Einstein den grössten Teil seines Besitzes in Gestalt des Nobelpreises an seine geschiedene Frau, Frau Mileva Einstein, bei Lebzeiten abgetreten hat, welcher Besitz auf dem Wege der Erbschaft auf seine Söhne, Albert und Eduard übergehen wird, erklären besagte Söhne, dass sie an die Hinterlassenschaft des Prof. Einstein keinerlei Ansprüche stellen werden, die nicht dem von ihrem Vater hinterlassenen Testament entsprechen [S.17]).

And Einstein compares the two families: "As good as for you I cannot support them"  - he means his second bride Elsa and her two daughters [76], that's why he calls for the declaration. And this is not an unrealistic estimation looking back to his life after his death [77].

[76] AE to Mileva, Nov.1, 1925.
[77] In the eyes of the general public today, the image of the sorrowful, poor Mileva is shown in contrast to the wealth of Albert with a funny Elsa. This has it's reasons which are not presented here. Albert was worried about both, but his worries were not the reason for the presentation of this stereotype.

It would be pointless to ask whether there is actually a danger that Elsa and her daughters would "fall into poverty" when his sons would not resign the their rights to fight against his testament. This, Albert wants to exclude. Hans Albert and Eduard could fight each for a quarter of the legacy using the German law, so Elsa and Margot would remain only with half of his Berlin legacy, and as it looked like in 1925, this would not be enough for according life in wealth. For high comfort which stepdaughter Ilse is claiming for, her husband is responsible since 1924 anyway.

Only a decade later, Albert will have the fatalistic awareness that it would be "just rediculous" to arrange things for the time after death [78]. In 1925 he is full of this fortune - with double meaning of the words - to arrange the future life, with full satisfaction. Mileva presumes a fraud, but Einstein is not thinking about a fraud for sure. But there is the question if such a declaration would be according the law, and Mileva was communicating this with her friends for sure [79].

[78] AE to Hermann Dukas, Dec.24, 1935; According to this knowledge, AE will not act.
[79] In 1932, when it comes again to an "explanation", Zangger will raise this question again.

[Zurich Hutten Street: Unexpected bill - borrow money]

About the answer, she never speaks. In this autumn of 1925, there were many letters circulating between Zurich and Berlin. Mileva does not see any reason to write a word about Albert's claim, and Albert does not want to write about this topic a fourth time. At the turn of the year Mileva is unexpectedly in a bad situation. Bonds ended and were payed, and Albert bought new bonds for a price which reduced the interest for Mileva under the avaited level; now she cannot pay an unexpected bill  without additional money. Albert has almost no cash now, and he recommends to borrow money from the New Yorker fortune [80].
[80] AE to Mileva, Dec.23, 1925.
He is advising against selling CPs, as also two years later [p.18] for protecting the capital.
"Let the money [...] better in America. I now understand why Koppel advised me so. "[81]

(original German: „Das Geld lass [...] doch lieber in Amerika. Ich begreife jetzt, warum Koppel mir so geraten hat.“ [81])
[81] Albert will buy the piano that Hans Albert will get (from Mileva): "For that, there is enough." AE to Mileva, June 4, 1928.

Mileva finally decides, "In this case, just lend something here". She is confident that US interest rates and current income in Zurich will quickly make up for the small deficit [82].

[82] Mileva to AE, before Jan.28, 1926; AE to Mileva, Jan.28, 1926

Albert was a little bit skeptical concerning the big house: "There had be a far better income when you had not concentrated on this house" [83] - but Mileva is answering decisively and he has to confess that "the feeling is important doing the work", and he is glad that Mileva "is happy with the house" [84].

[83] original German: „Ihr hättet ein weit besseres Einkommen, wenn Ihr Euch nicht auf das Haus kapriziert hättet“ - AE to Mileva, Feb.13, 1926.
[84] AE to Mileva, March 6, 1926.

Significant bad news seems to come when in spring 1926 the former house owner wants to terminate his mortgage. But the law protects Mileva: the mortgage over 17,000 SFr is fixed for another three years. If the owner wants to sell it, he has to find a buyer himself. There is no reason to worry [85].

[85] s. Zangger to AE, after March 16, 1926; AE to Zangger, April 3, 1926; AE to Mileva, April 3, 1926.

The shared concern for the Nobel Prize money has obviously led to a satisfactory cooperation, after the first phase of misunderstanding and disappointment. Mileva's ambition is to keep the house well maintained and to achieve higher rental income through small modernazations [86], not least so that their children will "take it in better condition than I got from my predecessor" [ 87]; Albert is caring about profitable investments at and with the American bank.

[86] Mileva to AE, between Oct. 4. and 15, 1926.
[87] Mileva to AE, after Feb.27, 1927.

[Mileva gives the borrowed money back]

After having shown that unexpected additional costs could have been paid out of the revenues of the current year, Mileva offers Albert the repayment of her debts at the end of 1926. For safety's sake, she immediately asks what percentage of interest he expects. But he does not want any interest from Mileva, and he [p.19] "does not wish either" that she hastened with paying back. "You can give me back some of it when I come to Switzerland." [88]

[88] Mileva to AE, after Dec.23, 1926; AE to Mileva, after Jan.10, 1927

Alberts visits to Mileva and Eduard in the Hutten Street - mostly on the way to Geneva for the meetings of the League of Nations and often before and after holidays with the younger son - have now become a fix habit. "I always tell everyone how well I stand with my divorced wife and how well I am in their home." Occasionally, he shocks conventional thinking people of his epoch.

[Hutten Street 62: mortgage is sold by the old owner - and what now?]

There are money questions only in summer 1929 again [89] when the mortgage, which caused trouble three years earlier, is finally terminated. Albert's advice to Mileva, who now has the choice of either taking over this mortgage or letting it slip into other hands, so Mileva's decision is primarily depending on the itnerest she has to pay. When the mortgage would be taken by a new person, would the interst she had to pay to this person be lower or higher than having a credit at a bank taking over this mortgage into her own hands? [90]

[89] The seemingly mysterious question in the letter of Einstein of May 5, 1928, as it stands "with the return of the money", may be a sign that Mileva took much time for repaying the borrowed sum as Albert Einstein had expected. Apparently this did not cause any discrepancies at first.
[90] AE an Mileva, July 4, 1929.

[New York 1929: Stock market crash is NOT mentioned in the Einstein letters?]

Even now, it is not considered to sell the lucrative papers in America which are an income guarantee. The New York stock market crash is not mentioned in the correspondence between Mileva and Albert and for the next time there is no negative effect on Mileva's "American" fortune, as it seems.

[since 1929: Mileva is teaching physics in a grammar school in Zurich
(from Plötz: The woman who did Einstein the matehematics - 1990, p.428)

[Bank in New York: There are 5,000 dollars free - Einstein's idea to take a mortgage with 8 to 10% - or stay with bonds in the "USA" with 7 to 8%]

In the spring of 1930, on this account a larger sum is free. Albert communicates to Mileva: "Thalmann suggested to buy similar government bonds as you have already". Albert himself has another idea, "take a first mortgage on a good house, this would bring 8 to 10%". Albert ist justifying this idea properly, but in retrospect it seems strange. Perhaps this idea comes above all from a new feeling of life that Albert had since he had his [[summer]] house in Caputh [[near Berlin]]. But several days after, he will come to the conclusion that [p.20] the conditions in Germany would be too unsave for investing "here". When Mileva just wanted to have invested the money with a lower interest rate - 7%, 8% - leaving it in the "USA", so he would also agree, he writes [91].

[91] AE to Mileva, mid-June 1930; AE to Mileva, after mid-June 1930.

Albert's suggestion "concerning that money" surprised Mileva. She asks for time to think about. "The pleasant thing about the previous system [at Ladenburg, Thalmann & Co. Inc.] for me is mainly that the thing worked perfectly and everything went so impersonal." Since 1924, she herself is communicating with the bank  what concerns purchase or selling CPs; she gets the interest that satisfy her, and it looks like as this will continue. She does not see any advantage of a mortgage which has a little bit higher interest rate, but the fate is to be in the hands of another house owner.

The situation is familiar to her from her own experience and she can not warm to Albert's suggestion. But if he thinks it's good to invest that $ 5,000, then "she's right, after all." But she wants to avoid discrepancies; she would be "so nervous at the moment that [she] would rather reject to 1% than to have any excitement."

[Mileva is nervous: Old mother with unpredictable sister - and Eduard studying in his 1st semester of medicine is uncertain]

The cause of Mileva's nervousness is neither a financial emergency situation, nor the fragile health of the younger son Eduard; it is first and foremost the "desolate conditions" in Novi Sad, where her sick old mother lives with her mentally disturbed, unpredictable daughter, Mileva's younger sister. Perhaps she also worries about the cognition that Eduard, who soon after beginning studying medicine "resumed literary habits" again, is not so sure any more with his studying matter, but the feeling become mixed after a few months [92].

[92] Mileva to AE, June 15, 1930; s. a. Eduard to AE, Jan.22, 1930

[Madness in 1930: there is world economic crisis - and the Einsteins purchase another two houses (!)]

[Zurich, June 18, 1930: Mileva's idea: buy a second house - consideration time 3 days (!) - and Einstein trusts Mileva blindly - price too high - Mileva seeks another second house (!) - second house bought in July 1930]

[The second house is at Behind the Mountain Street (Hinterberg Street) 86 or 88 in Zurich-Fluntern]:

But the idea of investing the released money in another house does not leave Mileva's head. By chance, "there is a nice house to sell that we know very well ." It costs about 160,000 Swiss francs, she writes. Now she needs Albert's approval as soon as possible, because there are "of course also other devotees" and they have given her a consideration time of only three days. [p.21]

[93] Mileva to AE, after June 18, 1930

[[1 math and 1 physic copy clerk are playing Monopoly: The financial suicide of the Einsteins: worldwide stock market crash since October 24, 1929 - and the Einsteins buy more luxury houses - WITHOUT a million reserve at hand (!)
-- Since October 24, 1929, the global stock market crash is taking place in the capitalist countries, and this also applies to the Zurich Stock Exchange
-- If Albert Einstein continues to do business with the Mileva as usual buying luxury houses without having millions in reserve, then this is financial suicide
-- Albert Einstein KNOWS from experience what is a crisis (WWI, hyperinflation 1923). So, it's absolutely NOT understandable that Einstein permits the purchase of two other houses. It seem rare why he did not suggest to by gold. Every good administrator sets different colums distributing the risk: house, bonds, gold, antiquities, arts etc.
-- friends are not intervening (??!!) - or they believed that the stock exchange crisis will be over fast (!!) - see the graphics in 1930 (!!!)]]:
Börsenkurse des Dow
                                  Jones 1925-1955
Börsenkurse des Dow Jones 1925-1955 [1]

Albert replies immediately: "I have faith in your judgment [...] because you've already bought well." That the profit will be low with another house "interest will not be that brilliant" is mentioned only incidentally. If Mileva keeps enough liquid reserves "not risking an emergency situation" and when the matter is provedby an expert who cannot find any hook with the matter, then she should buy the house [94].

[94] AE to Mileva, after June 20, 1930

Mileva's negotiations with the seller are fast coming to nothing; the price is too high for her. But now the desire for a second house has taken hold of her. She sets out to search and gets the impression that "there are many possibilities to get something decent". Therefore, she is very happy, if Albert comes for a visit in summer "you come for a wile and you can perhaps help us to choos, or at least define a short-listed choice." For not endangering the completion of the contract, she asks him to advise the transfer of the available money now already, because in New York there would be anyway only 1% interest [95].

[95] Mileva to AE, before July 11, 1930

On one of the last days of July 1930 - Albert is on a return trip from Geneva to visit Zurich, he examines the selected object, makes no objections and gives his consent - Mileva buys her second house [[of luxury class in Zurich]].

[Zurich September 1930: Mileva's idea: buy a third house - Einstein should quickly deliver the money (!)]

[The third house is at Hinterbergstrasse 86 or 88 in Zurich-Fluntern]:

Barely six weeks later, "[...] slowly, but gradually," Mileva's purchase negotiations for a third house are nearing completion. The price of 152,000 SFr appears "acceptable". She asks Albert to sign the enclosed slips and send them to Ladenburg Thalmann Bank, because there is a rush to pay. Mileva is les charged by the house purchase than with the introductory semester of Eduard at the university which Eduard should pass there in the near future. "I am so nervous as if I myself would be obliged to pass the exam." [96]

[96] Mileva to AE, Sep.8, 1930; in September 1930, Mileva sold $ 7,000 in nominal paper for around $ 5,400; See [[the bank documents of]] Ladenburg Thalmann & Co., Sep.22, 1930

There is no reliable information about how much Mileva has to pay for the acquisition. In a lawyer's letter from 1937, which for reasons of usefulness contains very doubtful or even fake data, a sum of 40,000 SFr is indicated [p.22].

And it's not possible to investigate what sum remains on the "American" account after the third house purchase. When Mileva explains to helpful friend Mr. Zangger in Summer 1945 that "the money which remained in "America" [...] was lost" [97], this must be at least a misleading information. Until 1936 there is a remaining sum from tne Nobel Prize money on Mileva's "American" account, but with only little interest. In summer 1936 this remaining sum is invested in a reconstruction of the house at Hutten Street no.62.

[97] Mileva to Zangger, Aug.3, 1934

In the autumn of 1930, Albert's prize money is invested in three Zurich apartment buildings [[of luxury class!]], with income by the rents, supplemented by the interest from the remaining dollar bonds from Mileva's account in New York, and this should bring at least 8,000 Swiss francs [[per year]]. Or at least should.

5. "... I'm afraid she might collapse completely":
From Mileva's first financial problems with the houses in 1931 to Albert's departure to the United States in late 1932

[Zurich in the global economic crisis from 1931: tenants can no longer pay the rent or move out - Mileva has only reduced rental income (!)]

In 1931, in small steps, the global economic crisis is also becoming more noticeable in Switzerland. Mileva's tenement houses acquired at Hinterbergstrasse 86 and 88 in Fluntern last year are quickly proving to be a costly burden. Some tenants are in arrears, others move out. Not everyone can afford an expensive apartment on Zurich Mountain in uncertain times [98].

[98] Mileva to AE, May 31, 1932

And even a single apartment vacant over a few months brings Mileva's budget to the skid. However, the houses could not be sold without sad losses. Mileva also has to accept a drop in interest rates on its dollar bonds, which have shrunk considerably since the autumn of 1930. In anticipation of the complete loss of interest, for instance when the bank of Ladenburg, Thalmann & Co. should go bankrupt, she decides to transfer this deposit to another bank, a move that Albert may wish to support with a letter of recommendation. The papers, he assures her, keep them, even if the bank goes bankrupt. Now Mileva blames the bank that "she had made a bad purchase", but Albert says this cannot be blamed. The economic crisis and its consequences were not foreseeable [S.23] when Koppel recommended the bank to him in 1923, "but since then many things may have changed." [99]

[99] AE to Mileva, Nov.20 and Nov.29, 1931; Ladenburg Thalmann was one of the most influential American private banks in the 1920s and one of the few banks to prosper in the global economic crisis instead of making losses.

Is Mileva changing the bank? This can not be deduced from the existing correspondence. In any case, Mileva's financial situation is not consolidated.

[From May 1932: son Eduard with depressive disorder]

In May 1932 - there are not only financial problems, but now the younger son [[Eduard]] is making problems during winter times showing symptoms of a depressive disorder - so she [[Mileva]] has to ask if she will be able to pay the mortgage interests in following summer. The situation seems threatening because perhaps by the state government an order for a rent reduction by 20% may be awaited.

[Mileva did NOT WORK for 8 years - 8 years no own salary]

After many years of relative prosperity allowing her a wealth without own income - she only gave some private lessons - Mileva now wants to apply for a job as Custodian of the Collection at the Daughters High School. For that, she hopes, Albert will have a good word for her at the Zurich mayor [100].

[100] Mileva to AE, May 31, 1932

But Albert does not want to make a recommendation. In a time of high unemployment, when many people are more needy and able to work than they are, he writes to Mileva that he finds such an intervention unjustified. He promises to help in other ways. He would hire the Zurich lawyer Hermann Dukas to get an overview of Mileva's income and obligations, and together with him consider how he, Albert, could help her. "I will not let you sit in the dirt." [101]

[101] AE to Mileva, June 4, 1932

[Mileva complains: One house is unprofitable and nobody wants to buy it - advice from lawyer Hermann Dukas: sell everything - Mileva blocks]

Hermann Dukas' consulting with Mileva is not clearing much in this situation. He is asking much and whe feels puzzled and misunderstood. Again she tells her emergency situation to Albert: One of the houses was a bad choice, the dwelling house which Albert had seen in Juily 1930. "Perhaps when both of us had worked with the matter alone, the matter had been finished better"; but may be there was an "unconsceous feeling" that everybody had relied on the other one [p.24].

[[The reasons why this house should be bad are concealed]].

Well, she is blaming Albert in a certain way, but cannot leave it stay like this confessing that "also the crisis of the last two years has changed the dwelling conditions and this also plays a role". All attempts for selling this "bad luck house" or to lease it were not successful. Since one year she had no calm any more and could not work with other matters and she "was just at the end of her forces". But the other two houses are "functioning" well, and she was very happy possessing them, and therefore she does not accept the Hermann Dukas' proposal "to sell everything" arguing that "houses will keep their value, but commercial papers can be without worth from one day to the other." This makes sense.

[June 1932: 1 house is a bad house - and heavy losses with commercial papers in the "USA"]

The assistance of Dukas did not solve Mileva's problem at all. She sees a desaster coming when the mortgage depths from the bad house will consume an always bigger part of the income of the other houses, and when there is not enough money left for her and Eduard, "especially because our income is considerably cut by the loss of commercial papers in "America"." [102]

[102] Mileva to AE, June 12, 1932

How high can this interest loss be after the purchase of two houses, as only a little part of the originally capital being set in "America" was cut in it' value by the "American" depression, which Mileva is blaming to Albert now? [103]

[103] Mileva to Zangger, after Oct.28, 1932: "I think the point is that the sum of the Nobel Prize is absolutely non-existent and that it can not be billed as such. Einstein at that time reserved the right to procure and supervise the investment of this money, but did not care much about it, so that a considerable part is lost."
(original German:
„Ich finde, dass der springende Punkt ist, dass die Summe des Nobelpreises absolut nicht vorhanden ist und dass sie als solche nicht in Abrechnung gebracht werden kann. Einstein hat sich damals das Recht vorbehalten diese Anlage dieses Geldes zu besorgen und zu beaufsichtigen, hat sich aber wenig darum bekümmert, so dass ein beträchtlicher Teil verloren ist.“)

The blow for her ist strong making her so nervous that Eduard fears that "she could collapse completely one time." [104]

[104] Eduard to AE, after Aug.21, 1932

And there comes another blow when in August 1932 Albert repeats his request he had years ago. Also for him the times have changedand presumably he thinks another time to actualize his testament (last will).

[104] Eduard to AE, after Aug.21, 1932
[1932: Einstein wants a notarial declaration from all heirs in Zurich that they recognize his decisions in the will]

Albert has no great wealth to inherit. House and property in Caputh, his most valuable property, are registered in the land register on the names of his stepdaughters. The remaining property he wants to distribute as he wants. But the idea that the heirs do not understand his sense of justice [p.25] and "would fight scandalously" after his death worries him that much as it was in 1925; and so, in the summer of 1932, he emphatically insists on a notarized "declaration of all parties that they will unconditionally recognize my will." In return, he offers the sons, in advance and immediately, the interest on a fortune of 25,000 marks, which he has saved for the two. [105]
[105] AE to Eduard, Aug.20, 1932

Albert's demand triggers anger and resistance, fears and confusion among the three affected. Mileva, as it was in 1925, she wants to escape the demand, is not telling anything first and then seeks support from the friends Besso, Zangger, Zurich and Haber.

Eduard, in need of harmony, tries to be the mediator. He told his father that he had talked about business matters with his mother and brother and was convinced that they could communicate. He does not consider Mileva's "somewhat affective [s] disturbed" reaction to be important: "I will personally ensure that we all take a conciliatory and objective attitude." [106]

[106] Eduard to AE, before Sep.19, 1932

But his situation is hopeless. Neither can he ally with his angry brother and stunned mother against the father, nor beat against mother and brother on the side of the father, who in turn suspects that behind the behavior of the - so he sees it - insincere and cunning ex woman and her sons, whose desire is to grab everything after his death, what he will leave behind. Is this about the Nobel Prize money?

[1932: Albert Einstein has lost almost all his private assets and CP assets]

In 1925, Albert had justified the renunciation that he had made in vain to Mileva, claiming that the Nobel Prize money, and above all the children whom the capital should be payed, had been better cared for than he had ever provided for his second family. In 1932, at a time when not only Mileva had to deal with the consequences of the economic crisis, but Albert also [p.26] lost his savings "just almost completely" [107], he prudently does not mention the Nobel Prize at first.

[107] [Losses from an Einstein friend in Spain - and a "US" account]
AE to Mileva, June 4, 1932; the loss includes "a hefty, hefty sum" speculated by a good friend in Spain (see Elsa Einstein to Luise Karr-Krüsi, June 1, 1933), possibly also an American account; the German funds are probably not affected.

[1932: What is the Nobel Prize money still worth? - and Eduard will probably never work]

Above all the friends around Mileva are thinking about what has become of the more than 121,000 Swedish Crowns (kroner), which once secured her and her sons an annual income of 8,000-10,000 SFr. What is the remainder of this sum worth in autumn 1932 yet? If Mileva wanted to demand an equitable distribution of Albert's heritage following her ideas, this question should be clarified first.

Friend Zangger thinks that in any case it would be nonsense rating the Nobel Prize to it's original value. This point of view he represents not only by thinking that Albert is responsible for a considerable part of the money during the depression which was administered by him. But a just distribution of the heritage in 1932 of the values which had gone into Mileva's hands in 1923 should consider above all the fact that Eduard "will not have an own income by his illness, if he just will be capable to work in a full time job." And Zangger means that also another factor should be considered:

"Einstein never rated him high." May be, this is Zanggers conclusion by a remark of Albert when he was promising the Nobel Prize money to Mileva in 1918: Best to inherit to the boys would not be money but a good head, a satisfied sense and a perfect name? It seems that Zangger has forgotten Albert's pride having secured financially well the future of his chldren thanks to the Nobel Prize money [108].

[108] Zangger to Hans Wolfgang Maier, Oct.4, 1932; Zangger to Michele Besso, Oct.6, 1932; Zangger to AE, Oct.4, 1932.

The precarious political situation, mistrust on all sides, material insecurity and the very different perception of concern for the vulnerable younger son from both parents makes prudent communication almost impossible. Once again, Albert presents Mileva his view of facts in clear words:

At the time, I gave you the Nobel Prize with the intention of making sure your and your children's future. It should be clear at that time that this sum - the only thing that I possessed at that time - would count toward the inheritance of the children at my death. Because only in this way [p.27] it will be possible for me to support also other people who are close to me to a sufficient extent. This was missed to fix before [109].

[109] AE to Mileva, Oct.6, 1932

Whenever he made an effort to clarify the matter, he got evasive answers. "Instead, on every occasion you've tried to get money out of me over and over again," and he points to a larger sum he lent Mileva, but did not get back, contrary to her promises.

Now he expects "that you all three together will send me a valid statement that either states that the Nobel Prize is for the inheritance of the children or that you will not contest my will [110].

[110] AE to Mileva, Oct.6, 1932

[The declaration is legally illegal - the children have never seen a cent of the Nobel Prize money]

Presumably such an explanation, given under force, would not be binding. This is not aware of Albert, but irrelevant. For what he expects is nothing but a proof of Mileva's and his sons' confidence in the honesty of his decisions, the confirmation that they recognize in him the responsible father whom he is considering himself.

Already Hans Albert's first reaction shows how far Albert's desire and Zurich's reality diverge. Did Mileva ever talk to her sons about the Nobel Prize money? Hans Albert can not remember. He does not know the amount Mileva has received, and is "not specifically informed about to whom the money actually belongs now". Above all, he "has not gotten a centime from it," he outraged, and that will probably continue to be the case as long as Mileva lives [111].

[111] Hans-Albert to AE, after Oct.6, 1932

In fact, in the divorce agreement it's not foreseen that the sons receive money during Mileva's life. But payments to the sons are not excluded either, but the dicision is with Mileva as long as the money comes from the interest, and the dicision depends from the coordination of both parents, when the capital itself would be touched [p.28].

[from 1927: Mileva denies Hans Albert any support in the first working life]

What Hans Albert had to experience since leaving the household together with his mother and brother in 1927 is that he was denied financial support "for pedagogical reasons" because Mileva argues that "a young man should learn reasonably well to handle the earned money." [112] His younger brother, on the other hand, was "greatly indulged." [113] Hans Albert's reproach to the father, unfounded but understandable, culminates in the bitter sentence:

"You obviously do not even think me worthy, to get at least a modest memento of you after you were stolen from my life." [114]
(original German: „Du hältst mich offenbar nicht einmal für würdig, wenigstens ein bescheidenes Andenken an Dich nach Deinem Tode zu bekommen, nachdem Du mir im Leben gestohlen worden bist.”)

[112] s. Milena to AE, before Jan.28, 1926. AE is also of the opinion that it is better for his sons not to grow up in too much wealth, s. AE to Mileva, Feb.13, 1926. However, behind Mileva's "pedagogical" principle is, above all, her eternal fight with the daughter-in-law.
[113] Hans Albert to Michele Besso, January 1935; this is not only ment in material sense.
[114] Hans Albert to AE, after Oct.6, 1932

Mileva, who gets support by benevolent, legally dependable and friendly, loyal friends, can renounce these accusations which are "a little bit affective and depressed".

[Testament: Mileva lets lawyers and friends "treat" Albert Einstein: Dr. Zürcher, Heinrich Zangger, Fritz Haber]

She had not reported everywhere, but she had reported - with the exception to the tax office - "that you have given us the whole Nobel Prize", and she had looked for a constant feeling of joy and thankfulness for this - "at least as it's possible with my mentality". But she would not give the desired explanation, because such an explanation "could be dangerous and could have incontrolable consequences". She relies on that the friends will represente her matter with Albert. Dr. Zürcher had already written to him because of that [115].

Even though she did not say it all over, she did not tell anybody - except the tax authorities - "that you gave us the Nobel Prize," and always tried to show Albert a sense of joy and gratitude - "at least ] as far as that is in my nature ". However, she will not give the desired explanation because such explanations are "dangerous and can have obvious consequences". She relies on the friends to represent her affair to Albert. Dr. Zurich had certainly already written to him [115].

[115] Mileva to AE, Nov.18, 1932

Dr. Zürcher had written, Mr. Heinrich Zangger had written, and finally also Mr. Fritz Haber had sessions with Albert following Mileva's order. Haber understands the point what Zangger does not understand: that Albert "is angry because there is no conficence for his justice from the sides of his sons, but Albert thinks the sons have to trust him according to his character and his behavior." (???!!!) - Mr. Haber can move the hurt friend at least to a concession: The decisive paragraph of the last will will be formulated with the help of a lawyer in that way, so it corresponds to the law os succession, so that the controversial "explanation" will be superfluous [116].

[116] Fritz Haber to Mileva, Oct.28, 1932

Already at the beginning of October 1932, Eduard was suffering anxiety and nervous heart disturbances making the impression for hospitalization, Albert is giving in: "In the first place [p.29], do not bother yourself about the matter of the will," he appeals to his troubled son, "I will never mention it again." [117]

[117] AE to Eduard, Oct.8, 1932

And he will fulfill his statement.

6. "... in a constant stress":
Mileva's desolate financial situation 1933-1938

[Eduard hospitalized - Eduard becomes a nursing case - economic crisis makes luxury homes unprofitable]

Mileva now had always more and more problems. In late autumn of 1932, the younger son was hospitalized for an indefinite time. He will not be able to continue his studies, and he will not have an own salary soon, but he will go on to be depend on the mother. The three houses, the value of [[a part of]] the Nobel Prize, don't produce the income which was awaited two or three years before and which would be necessary for the future covering the additional charges which Mileva has to pay for the additional treatment of her son - Mileva sees that [118].

[118] By letter dated Nov.12, 1932, AE requested the [[Swiss]] Foreign Exchange Office [[Amt für Devisenbeschaffung]] for an approval of the transfer which was required for Eduard's stay in the hospital.

[December 1932 to April 1933: Einstein is angry against Germany in public and gives his German passport away
Einstein is naive: Instead of waiting, Einstein is shouting against the Hitler regime from the beginning, and he does not see the collaboration between Rothschild and the Rothschild descendant Hitler, that simply masses of Jews should be driven to IL into the desert. When he did not take back his words but gave back his German passport in April 1933 in the German embassy in Belgium, the Hitler government is considering measures against Einstein. Instead of studying history, Einstein RISKS HIS CAPITAL IN GERMANY AND HIS HOUSE IN CAPUTH NEAR BERLIN].

[June 1933: NS regime blocks Einstein's fortune in Germany justificating "preparation of high treason and treason"]

What contribution Albert can make to supporting Mileva and Eduard is uncertain. The National Socialists were confiscating his bank accounts and Elsa's bank accounts with the justification of "preparaiton of high treason and treason", even before a "law on the confiscation of Communist assets" authorized them to confiscate his and Elsa's bank accounts in Berlin with a total value of about 60,000 marks including the 25,000 marks that Albert set aside for the sons [119]. Above all, security is offered to him with a position in Princeton, from which he hopes to be able to "live quite properly" despite the progressive dollar devaluation and despite the growing number of family members dependent on his support since the political upheaval in Germany [120].

[119] Elsa Einstein to Abraham Shalom Yahuda, June 3, 1933; Elsa Einstein to Luise Karr-Krüsi, June 1, 1933.
[120] AE to Mileva, April 29, 1933; s. a. AE to Swiss ambassadors in Brussels, May 5, 1933; s. a. AE to Mileva, June 25, 1933. AEs request for intervention by the Swiss authorities in favor of the release of the funds "which are also foreseen for the care of the younger son" remains without result - official Switzerland does not show any inclination for having a conflict with the Third Reich [[because Hitler has confiscated also Swiss investments in Germany, which will be compensated with Jewish companies given to Swiss industrial bosses since 1936]]. See also the book of Siegfried Grundmann: "Einstein's property confiscated by the Nazis" (original German: "Einsteins von den Nazis konfisziertes Eigentum", Berlin 2017, p. 27ff.

[June 1933: Mileva's cry for help because of the bad house - no bank wants the two houses at Hinterberg Street - 3000 Franks mortgage interest are due]

As early as June 1933, Mileva's cries for help became more urgent: the story of the 'dreadful house' will provoke her death. When she would not pay the mortgage interest [p.30] being duty in July , the rents are in danger to be seized. No bank wanted ti give her a credit or take over one of the two houses at Hinterberg Street which cannot be sold for a good price any more on the market .

"Perhaps you know advice or help. Please do not leave me", she implores Albert [121].

[121] Mileva to AE, June 20, 1933; Mileva to AE, July 5, 1933.

Albert knows how to act and, compassionately, sees himself "able to help you in this position in some way". To give her an overview of her actual financial situation, he once again appoints the lawyer Hermann Dukas, who is "very  experiences with house administrations" and he is trusting him [122]. But as in the previous year, Mileva is rejecting Dukas' professional advice. Should she really give away the expensive house at any price? Is it advisable to lose a large part of the invested capital in order to escape the danger of having to put in more sums of money in vain and uselessly? In mid-July, Mileva sees only one way out of her dangerous situation:

"My last and only hope is you, I have to ask you again and again, not to forget me now." At the latest by the end of July 3000 SFr have to be paid [123].

[122] AE to Mileva, June 25, 1933; AE to Mileva, July 3, 1933.
[123] Mileva to AE, July 15, 1933.

"At least this time", promises Albert Mileva, he wants to help her staying through the delicate situation, despite their own sorrows and drudgery, because the whole family had come to the beggar's staff. The sum that is here, he could "still find out". A transfer of 3000 SFr will be commissioned immediately [124]

[124] AE to Mileva, July 19, 1933; AE to Mileva, July 25, 1933.

[From September 1933: Amortizations of 2000 Swiss francs per year - and: son Eduard gets a private carer, cost 10 francs per day + housing + food]

Existing resources allow Mileva, Eduard and his private carer to spend several weeks in the countryside. Already in September [[1933]] Mileva gets into financial difficulties again. In addition to the mortgage interest, she now has to pay off ¤ 1,000 per annum, a sum that burdens her "momentary miserable conditions" above the bearable level, because since Eduard was released from the psychiatric hospital in the summer, costs for the private carer are pressing her budget. "If you wanted to help us a little, that would be a real good action." [125]

[125] Mileva to AE, Sep.29, 1933; In addition to board and lodging, the carer receives 10 SFr / day.

[May 1934: Both houses of Hinterberg Street are not profitable any more - the caretaker for Eduard costs a lot]

The generally desperate economic situation is increasingly restricting Mileva's financial scope. Again and again she complains about inadequate rent payments and the [p.31] futile search for a buyer for one or the other houses in the Hinterberg Street, both "not profitable". She even offers Albert one of the houses as an exchange for an eventual help "in return for an eventual help which you would give me", and she leaves it to his thinking if his "performence" couldbe for the costs of the carer or for the reduction of the depts, because Mileva feels that "sooner or later these depts will be distructive [...] and can provoke the loss of all possession." [126]

[126] Mileva to AE, after May 4, 1934

She can afford yet a private caretaker for Eduard, but she is already confessing that "he costs much for my difficult conditions of today". The stay in the clinic, she is justifying all, would not be much cheaper. This counts for the costs in the half private class. This is the Cantonal Psychiatrical Hospital Burghölzli. Putting She has not the heart to commit Eduard into the basic class of this hospital [127].

[127] Mileva to AE, May 4, 1934.

At the beginning of 1934, she has the project to rent her own comfortable flat in Hutten Street for a good price, and she would change to a cheaper flat. But a renovation would be before, and this money is missing. Mileva may be happy that her big flat with the view over the town and the lake is preserved [128].

[128] Mileva to AE, February 13, 1934

[Mileva playing the poor girl? Mileva with psychologist?
There is the question why Mileva was not with a psychologist giving up all and working normally during this crisis. The neighbors must have observed that this Mrs. Einstein does not work, and this is harming her reputation a lot - and Albert Einstein does not see this connection...]

She finds support with Albert: "Just stay calm in your apartment; as long as I'm fine, it should also be the case with you", he assures her. She does not need to worry about a business catastrophe. Albert knows Mileva in good hands with Hermann Dukas.

"If Dukas writes me that a debt should be paid by me, or that you do not have enough to live on, then I will pay it." [129]

[129] AE to Mileva, no date, after Feb.13, 1934.

[May 1934: Einstein check for 650 Swiss francs

Albert had a project to visit his family in Zurich in summer 1934, but this project was blocked some weekse before. In May 1934, he sends a check for 650 SFr. Is this money for the carer or money that should flow into the payments for one of the houses? Can that be separated? The sum does not satisfy Mileva. "If you had helped me for only a few months in the cost of [p.32] the caregiver, it would be a great help for me." Are their financial reserves really exhausted? [130]

[130] Mileva to AE, May 4, 1934; Mileva to AE, May 29, 1934

[June 1934: There should be a life insurence with 5,000 Swiss francs for Mileva? - and Mileva is claiming again and again]

Just one time comes up the topic of a life insurance in the letters, which Albert had installed as a young man for Mileva and which should be payed this year, 5,000 Swiss francs should it be, but it's mentioned only once [131].

[131] AE to Hermann Dukas, June 9, 1934.

Does Mileva receive the money? That is to be assumed. She does not comment. While Albert, on the other side of the Atlantic, trusts that Dukas, the very reliable lawyer, is taking on Mileva's financial problems with the necessary expertise, Mileva's complaints to the Zurich friends give the impression that Albert has ruthlessly left them to their fate since Nobel Prize money, which was deposited in the New York investment bank Ladenburg Thalmann & Co [...] was destroyed in the world economic crisis." [132] "Since he knows that all is so bad, he does not write any more", she claims. Well, he gave the order to a friend to get information from time to time how she is going, but this would not be a great help. She would live now always waiting for the desaster [133].

[132] look the book: R. Schulmann (ed.): Soul Affiliation (original German: Seelenverwandtschaft), p.541.
[133] Mileva to Zangger, Aug.22, 1934

The catastrophe is - or would be - the termination of a mortgage on one of the houses on Hinterberg Street in June 1935. When nobody is found taking over the mortgage, so the house comes to the mortgage owner or to the bank, and Mileva's down payments would be lost. And Mileva writes Zangger, that there cannot be help awaited from E. in this matter [134].

[134] Mileva to Zangger, Aug.22, 1934.

She conceals that, in order to turn down or at least mitigate catastrophes, "E." has continued to pledge to her every possible help as soon as the expert attorney Dukas requests them. Did Albert just make empty promises and let Mileva "sit in the dirt"?

Or is Hermann Dukas not fulfilling his mission?

[1934/1935: The auction of the two houses of Hinterberg Street]

Already towards the end of the year 1934 it is foreseeable that the two houses on the Hinterbergstraße will not be able to be hold for much longer and will be auctioned [135].

[135] Emil Zürcher to Hermann Dukas, Dec.7, 1934.

Lawyer Dukas, here in line with friend Zangger, again advises to sell at least one of the houses herself with a loss. The revenue - because there is still a revenue [p.33] to be expected - should be invested in a pension for Eduard. The pension plan is dropped quickly. The pension that would be available with the funds available - if, in the desolate situation of the real estate market, the house could be sold - would be ridiculously small [136].

[136] Zangger to AE, around Nov.14, 1934; s.a. Hermann Dukas to AE, Dec.11, 1934.

[New mortgage and the profits go to desoriented Eduard]

Finally it seems that the danger for the house of Hutten Street is eliminated. On the base of old depts of Mileva with Albert - or how Milevas' lawyer Mr. Emil Zürcher says: "for the requierment of about 40,000 Swiss francs from the family history", he [[Emil Zürcher]] can in Albert's name install an owner mortgage of over 40,000 Swiss francs for this house, so the creditors will not have an unlimited access, or the access will be difficult at least. Mr. Zürcher's idea is - and this is also Albert's desire, that the profits of this mortgage should go to Eduard [137]. So there would be one problem less [138].

[137] Emil Zürcher to Hermann Dukas, Dec.7, 1934; however, Mileva's debt to AE does not amount to the sum stated here, and other details of the construct turn out to be questionable on closer inspection; after all, they will fulfill their purpose.
[138] s. AE to S.D. Leidesdorf, Oct.25, 1938. Eduard is thus entitled to the interest payable on the mortgage. What initially represents, at best, a small profit for Mileva, which now deducts the interest before the tax to the mortgage holder who uses it for their and Eduard's maintenance, will gain importance with the change of ownership of the house.

Albert says: "Today there is [...] not much time with stable conditions, so one has to give in that it's not possible to secure existences for a longer time". This is one year after the Nazis have stolen his house in Caputh, his sailing ship and his German fortunes, so he was telling from his experience. It seems astunishing how cool he is handling the loss [139].

[139] AE to Zangger, Aug.29, 1934.

[1934: Mileva's strategy telling that all "American" money was lost by world economic crisis]

And his estimations are very realistic, because for example the juridical constructions become always more complicated for protecting at least the house of Hutten Street and Mileva's reserves of 15,000 Swiss francs which are mentioned here the first time. As it seems, this money is not a remainder of the "American" capital. According to the traditional strategy that it's not necesery "to indicate everything", Mileva is defrauding his friends like Zangger - and probably also the two laywers who are managing her problems - she leaves the men believing that the "American" capital was destroyed during the world economic crisis [p.34].

[1934: Insulin shock therapy for Eduard in Vienna - Dec.1934: Zürcher+Dukas calculate: Einstein has to send 3,000 Swiss francs per year]

Eduard and his caregiver go for some weeks to an "insulin shock therapy" in Vienna [140]. Aftger their return to Hutten Street, the two lawyers Mr. Zürcher and Mr. Dukas come in December 1934 to the conclusion that the current situation would afford a help by Albert Einstein of 3,000 Swiss francs. The rent profits and the additional sum Mileva will have enough money for holding the living standard [141].

[140] This "insulin shock therapy" was a standard treatment until about the beginning of the 1950s against depression and schizophrenia.
[141] Hermann Dukas to AE, Dec.11, 1934.

[Albert about Mileva's psychosis: she is playing the "poor girl" - Einstein confirms 250 Swiss francs per month - rising until 350 per month]

Albert replies that "he does not want to give a higher sum" to Mileva, "because by many actions she has proved a bad will to me. She takes much and at the same time she distributes the rumor everywhere in Zurich the meaing that whe was left in misery." For showing that he is also ready to helop, he assures to Hermann Dukas to pay the help from January 1935 on "without any juridical obligation" in montly rates of 250 Swiss francs [142].

[142] AE to Hermann Dukas, Dec.23, 1934. By the end of his life - for some war years under difficult conditions - AE will ensure the monthly transfers and increase them in several steps to 350 SFr.

[1935: Rental income no longer covers the cost of the houses - Mileva means that she soon goes bankrupt - private caretaker for Eduard or permanent Burghölzli for Eduard?]

One year later, the confident forecast of the previous year proved too optimistic. All three houses are still owned by Mileva, and she is still responsible for their preservation, even though the income from the houses definitely no longer covers their costs. At the end of December 1935 Mileva considered her bankruptcy inevitable [143].

[143] s. AE to Hermann Dukas, Dec.24, 1935.

Once again, Albert shares her worries and once again promises to "keep her afloat" as long as he lives. Once again, he asks Hermann Dukas to "examine Mileva's circumstances, and to advise them and possibly comfort them." In the worst case - when a private caretaker is no more possible to be financed, and when Mileva could not manage the sick son - Eduard will be housed in the psychiatric clinic Burghölzli, and he, Albert, will support both persons separately [144]          

[144] AE to Mileva, Dec. 24, 1935.

[Switzerland 1935: Poverty and Nazi maneuvers by Nazi Germany against Switzerland]

The crisis is not Mileva's private crisis; the whole country is now suffering from economic problems and the political situation is also a cause for concern. In view of all the economic interdependencies, it is difficult for Switzerland [p.35] to legitimize itself to Nazi Germany as independent. Mileva is thinking much, but not communicating anything to her ex-husband.

[Spring 1936: Idea of Einstein: The House Hutten Street could be transferred to the sons]

In the spring of 1936, a new rescue plan is taking shape. If the lawyers manage to transfer the house Hutten Street, "the only house that pays well," to Hans Albert and Eduard, then "at least some of your maternal assets would be saved for you, and [Eduard] would not quite live after my death to the state, "Albert lets the older son know. He is ready to take over the "very significant charges" for the transfer. But the project proves to be impracticable, because it may be legally challenged and thus it's too risky [145].

[145] AE to Hans Albert, March 29, 1936; Hermann Dukas to AE, April 14, 1936 and Sep.14, 1936

[Summer 1936: Mileva with reconstruction at the house Hutten Street - the houses on the Hinterberg Street are threatened by forced auction - the property of the sons can not be attacked]

In summer 1936, Mileva decides to make a reconstruction work in the house Hutten Street 62, so the income will rise. For this purpose, the last papers are sold on Mileva's American account [146]. The additional 4,000 SFr Mileva borrows from Albert and receives another letter of debt to the house.

[146] Hermann Dukas to AE, Sep.14, 1936.

The creditors of the houses Hinterberg Street are not eager for recovering their demands; the (forced) auction, which, as things stand, is Mileva's only chance to be released from her obligations, provokes dark shadows. "Since one [...] is liable for the mortgages with the complete fortune, it may be that sie will be also impounded with her personal fortune", writes son Hans Albert to his father to consider and asks him for a written explanation that the sons' possession (objects) will be protected from any seizure which are in the household of the mother. After Hans Albert moved to America with his family in 1938, Mileva will once again ask for such an explanation in Eduard's name and Albert will also confirm in writing that the piano, the music, the radio and the books are the possession of the son, not of the mother, and have to be exempted from the auction [147].

[147] Hans Albert to AE, Jan.21, 1937; Mileva to AE, July 20, 1938.

[Summer 1937: poem of a bearer debt letter with Mileva in poverty and Einstein as a blockhead]

In summer 1937, lawyer Mr. Zürcher considers the moment has come to apply to the tax office the approval for establishing a bearer debt letter in Albert's name, which was already discussed end of 1934. For this, Mileva has to prove her disastrous financial situation. The letter to the Cantonal Tax Office, written by Emil [p.36] Zürcher for this purpose, reads like a bitter report with Mileva's ex-husband who would not fulfill any appointment, anoy contract, and would be penny-pinching and without love. This letter contains fake data and partly doubtful allegations, partly completely a poem, there are presumptions and contradictions. It is unlikely that Mileva dictated such a letter to her lawyer, but it may have made her reconciled with her destiny for a brief moment that someone is so vehemently taking sides with her. Albert probably will not hear anything about this letter [148].

[148] Former Prosecutor Mr. Emil Zürcher to Cantonal Tax Office, July 13, 1937. An excerpt from the land register of Sep.15, 1938 shows that already on Feb.5, 1935 Emil Zürcher in his name - with the remark "ns. Prof. Albert Einstein "- has registered a mortgage over 40,000 SFr. After July 1937, no changes were made.

[So, the lawyer Mr. Zürcher is committing a heavy diffamation against Albert Einstein].

[ab Januar 1938: Monatliche Zahlung von Einstein wird auf 300 Stutz erhöht]

[from January 1938: monthly payment from Einstein increased to 300 Swiss bucks]

As of January 1938, "to make your life a little easier", he raises the monthly allowance for Eduard unsolicited to 300 SFr. [149].

[149] AE to Mileva, Dec.21, 1937. The amount of maintenance is equivalent to the earnings of a simple worker who works 48 hours a week and has to feed a family with his salary.

[Albert Einstein pays EVERYTHING for Eduard
And with this is proved: Mileva has NOTHING to pay for Eduard, Albert Einstein pays EVERYTHING].

[Summer 1938: 1 house on the Hinterberg Street is sold - household items are in danger - house Hutten Street in danger - rental income is in danger]

After all the years in which friends, lawyers, and not least the ex-husband, with professional skill and friendly sympathy, endeavored to obtain the last Nobel Prize-money possession of Mileva and of the sons, summer 1938 is like the beginning of "the evil dance", as Mileva says [150]

[150] original German: "der üble Tanz"; Mileva to AE, July 20, 1938.

which results with the threat of the loss of the house Hutten Street.

"I live in a constant stress, my creditors do not even leve me breathe for a moment." She has ended with "true Shylocks."

It seems that one of the two houses on Hinterber Street has been sold in the meantime, but Mileva remains in depts; the second house is still in their hands and "does not provide enough to cover the outrageously high mortgage rates". She ows the interest, and, after the seizure of her household was turned away by the friends Zürcher and Zangger at the last moment [151], now expect that the creditors will attack the house of Hutten Street.    

[151] s. a. Albert Züblin to Zangger, Oct.26, 1938. Not all information in this letter is current; s. a. Mileva to Zangger, Oct.8, 1938; Zangger AE, Sep.1, 1938 (2 letters).

"But even that they do not want to sell and [...] they take what comes out on sale and then leave me in calm, but they want to seize the rental income."
[New idea 1938: Mileva urging Albert Einstein to buy the house at Hutten Street no.62]

When Hutten Street 62 would be sold, Mileva had to continue with the administration including its obligations and costs, while the revenues would flow into the pockets of the creditors. The only possibility [p.37] to escape the confiscation of the rents, according to a lawyer Züblin, who was recommended to Mileva by friend Zangger, is to sell the house before the attachment order is circulating. And "the only right thing" would be, she writes to Albert, that he would buy the house, because he owns the last mortgage. "Dear Albert," she begins a new paragraph, "I bring you this thing and ask you to help me this time, as you have done so many times." She agreed with everything, when whe could come to a rest a little bit [152].
[152] Mileva to AE, Sep.28, 1938.

In July 1938, Albert had been certain yet that he could not keep this house for permanently with his limited income and with his rising obligations. Even when it "comes out well", as Mileva claims, she had to change her thinking to give it up [153]. In September 1938 there are desperate cries for help and a letter of Zangger above all for Eduard provoking that Albert's conviction is becoming unsafe [154].

[153] AE to Mileva, July 20, 1938.
[154] s. a. AE to Karl Zürcher, Jan.8, 1948.

While his friend and financial advisor Otto Nathan was still investigating about the legal situation in Switzerland [155], Albert informs his older son at the beginning of October that he will "if yet possible, be obliged to take over the house in Hutten Street in my name." [156] The thought of getting involved in a loss business causes him discomfort; it would endanger his legacy.

[155] Otto Nathan to Paul Guggenheim, before Oct.15, 1938; s. a. Paul Guggenheim to Otto Nathan, Oct. 15, 1938
[156] AE to Hans Albert, Oct. 11, 1938

In 1938, Albert is almost 60 years old and nothing points to his near end. However, there is nothing to suggest that his reserves, about $ 22,000, 1½ Princeton annual salaries at that time, could increase rapidly and significantly. He has to expect after retirement to see his salary reduced to half by the Institute for Advanced Study in a few years. How will it be in future with his money feeding two women in his household, helping his elder son in America from time to time, support the younger son in Zurich regularly, and from time to time also come unknown people looking for help on their flight from the Nazis?
Or will he have to attack his reserves, which are intended for those who [S.38] he relies on his legacy: the schizophrenic son and the sickly and not meritorious stepdaughter? [157]

[157] s. a. AE to Karl Zürcher, Jan.8, 1948.

A better solution to the problem in Zurich than that desired by Mileva would be most welcome. "On the other hand," he admits to Hans Albert, "but I would like to ease your mother's last years." [158]

[158] AE to Hans Albert, Oct.11, 1938.

[October 1938: a trust company is founded for the house Hutten Street no.62]

At the end of October 1938 he is ready to "perform the transfer of the house Hutten Street". A trust company is to take over the house. This maneuver would prevent that creditors of mortgages would confiscate his personal possesion. This would be in their as also in Eduard's interest "necessary so my inheritance which is primarily destinated for Tetel will remain safe." And as many times before, he is adding: "Don't worry [...]. Somehow I will fix this." When the house will be confiscated at the end after all, he will keep her and Eduard above water, when also in a modest way. [...] Until then we will try it with the trust company. The revinue of the houses will flow to Tetel and you will [...] have the free disposition." [159].

[159] AE to Mileva, Oct.26, 1938.

7. "I never was obliged to bother about so many fake businesses as here, but I lost my money in a more comfortable way":
The Hutten Street Realty Corporation 1939 to 1946

After calculation of a Zurich expert the house with full rental gives a revenue for Mileva of still about 3000 Swiss francs per year [160].

[160] AE to S.D. Leidesdorf, Oct. 25, 1938. How much of this revenue has to be reduced for the maintainment of the house is not said in this calculation. Einstein's two mortgages for wich Mileva does not pay interest are not considered in this calculation.

[1938: Mileva's conditions: no rent, subletting 2 rooms, money for Eduard - Eduard can live without caretaker since beginning of 1936]

She lives rent-free and has additional income by subletting two rooms in her six-bedroom apartment. Albert transfers 3,600 SFr per year for Eduard. Since almost 3 years Eduard does not have nor need a private caretaker any more; expensive therapies [p.39] are not planned. With their income, mother and son can not lead a life in luxury, but they must not starve at all [161].

[161] Einstein's monthly support for Eduard are almost 40% of Mileva's budget, and this is only few under the medium salary of a well skilled worker. Male employees earn between 3,500 and 5,700 SF per year in June 1939, and women between 2,200 and 3,500 SF per year.

The takeover of the house by the trust company should not change anything principally [162].

[162] When the house would be sold, the mortgage of 4,000 Swiss francs will pass to the buyer. Mileva's income is not changing with that.

But for protecting Mileva an arrangement is necessary neutralizing the law: Mileva will be the agent of the trust company and will officially get only a little payment for administration work.

[November 1938: House Hutten Street no. 62: Otto Nathan+Georg Guggenheim managing the transfer in favor of the trust company]

After the Zurich attorney Georg Guggenheim, who had been brought in by Otto Nathan [163], recommended the purchase of the house at the end of October 1938 and a few days later, by repeated request, assured that the counterfeiting or cancellation of the transaction by the mortgage creditors was precluded [164], and after the inquiries made by Albert among his American confidant people on the same questions and on the modalities of founding a trust [165] have alleviated his misgivings, the transaction begins in November 1938
concrete forms. It is literally the last moment to save the house - and the reminder of the Nobel Prize capital - for Mileva and the sons.

[163] Otto Nathan, national economist, AEs friend and financial advisor, 'Chairman of the Supervisory Board' of Hutten Street Realty Corporation, s. Otto Nathan to Robert Meyer, Nov.22, 1948.
[164] Guggenheim to AE, Nov.7, 1938.
[165] Corporation HuttRC to S.D. Leidesdorf, Nov.1, 1938; s.a. AE to Guggenheim, about at Nov.8, 1938; s.a. Otto Nathan to AE, Nov.4, 1938.

[Hutten Street no.62: now comes lawyer Guggenheim - he gets the notary's power]

In agreement with Mileva, attorney Guggenheim obtained the notary's power and the order to register the transfer of the property Hutten Street 62 from Mileva Einstein to the US trust Treuhand Hutten Street Realty Corporation (Treuhand Huttenstrasse Realty Corporation), New York, which was established for this purpose. The corporation transfers expenses and fees of $ 523 promptly [166].

[166] AE to Princeton Bank & Trust Comp., Nov.9, 1938.

[Hutten Street no.62: Swiss law gives no safety for Einstein's possession, and mortgages are unsafe]

That same month it comes out that the conditions to which Albert made his commitment and the expectations he had based on Guggenheim's confirmation are not covered by Swiss law. First he will not get any safety for his private possession concerning the mortgage depts of the house [p.40]; Second, the Corporation - with only the minimum capital which was given by Otto Nathan - has also to expect that one of the mortgages will be payed off and the complete or a artial sum has to be payed in a short period of time.

And it can not even be ruled out that the creditors of a house on Hinterberg Street contest the transaction as soon as they realize that they have been deprived of the opportunity to collect the debts by transferring the debtor's property into foreign hands [167].

[167] Guggenheim to Corporation HuttRC, Nov.25, 1938.

[Lawyer Guggenheim with debt restructuring measures]

In order to give the transaction a more stable foundation in the Land Registry, attorney Guggenheim introduces restructuring measures which look complicated [168].

[168] Maas & Davidson, Attorneys, AE, Dec.15, 1938 and other data.

[Sale of Huttenstrasse 62 for 196,000 Swiss francs to the Trust Company in New York - Mileva may continue to collect rents - and cross-allocations]

There were many letters and checks sent between Zurich, New York, and Princeton, and in January 1939 a treaty comes out saying that the house Hutten Street no. 62 in Zurich 6 will be sold to Hutten Street Realty Corporation for 196,000 Swiss francs. Owner is not Mileva Einstein any more, but since Jan. 1, 1939 the juridical owner is the Corporation which is now responsible for the payments of taxes and mortgage intrests to the three mortgage creditors, one of them is Albert. The responsability and care for the maintainment of the house Albert would like to see going on in Mileva's hands; also Mileva is urging for getting a confirmation of the Corporation "that we will go on with the administration of the house and enjoy the revenue." [169]

[169] Mileva to AE, Jan.28, 1939.

Such an affirmation which should clear the official relation to the Corporation is written by Albert in the Company's name: "We hereby authorize you to continue to take over the management of the house Huttenstraße 62 for us, in particular to collect the rents, the legal fees for to pay us, to pay the mortgage interest etc." For this management Mileva will receive a compensation in customary amount of 600 SFr per year [170]; at the end of each three months a settlement from her is awaited. For avoiding currency transactions, the corporation will charge the rental income with Albert's payments to Eduard. In other words, the corporation lends Albert the sums that Mileva [p.41] incurs until further notice, and Albert repays the debt to the corporation according to the quarterly statement [171].

[170] AE to Otto Nathan, before Feb.13, 1939.
[171] Otto Nathan to AE, Feb.13, 1939.

[The fear from the other mortgage creditors of the Hinterberg Street: send rent income to NY - Einstein sends the money back to Mileva]

Such a contract between Mileva and the Corporation, however, would only be a paper for the Swiss authorities. In practice, a way has to be found that assures Mileva's and Eduard's upkeep as before, but at the same time prevents any access by the mortgagee to Mileva's money as well as to Albert's private possession. If "currency transactions" can not be avoided, the originator of the sums to be transferred could be Albert's secretary Helen Dukas or his sister Maja, as the addressee could be Eduard.

In mid-February 1939, in Princeton and New York, "everything was thoroughly considered in case the transfer was subsequently challenged." Albert reports Mileva that all this" not only had cost him much money, but also much time". First Mileva will receive only an employment treaty as an administrator, and she has the revenue to the 'Coop', "so nobody could say that you get the revenue like before and the whole sale would be a fraud." Then Albert will send back the money fast, "of course to Tetel's address". After expiration of claim period this detour will be superfluous. And then he hurries for sending the explanations - with an understanding for Mileva's emergency situation - so "you will not feel plundered when Guggenheim presents you the official letter." [172]

[172] AE to Mileva, Feb.14, 1939.

[House Hutten Street: Zurich Cantonal Bank (ZKB) has already called for the first mortgage - Mileva takes out a 4th mortgage (!)]

Now, Alberts's letter is crossing with a letter of lawyer Guggenheim. He says that already one year before, the Zurich Cantonal Bank (Zürcher Kantonalbank ZKB) has warned that she has to pay back one part of the first mortgage. The requested sum is 15,000 Swiss francs. The lawyer had first tried without success to shift the mortgage to another donor. Then, another way without success, he had offered a payment in smaller installments. So, there is no way out to pay the first installment of 5,000 Swiss francs until July 1, 1939, and the second installment of 10,000 Swiss francs until Dec.31, 1939. If this money is not payed, then the whole mortgage of 135,000 Swiss francs would be due. For this payment Mileva would be responsible. Hutten Stree Realty Corporation could be recognized by the Cantonal Department of Finance only when these claims would be fulfilled [173].

[173] Zurich Cantonal Bank (Zürcher Kantonalbank) to Guggenheim, May 30, 1939


Lawyer Guggenheim sees only one solution at this moment suggesting Albert Einstein to install another mortgage of 15,000 Swiss francs on the house. Mileva "without any reseve for any emergeny case" becuse "she had to give all for the house Hutten Street saving it from the seizure by the vampyrs" [174] had given her concent installing a new mortgage with 5% interest [175] trying to pay it off in small installments to the Corporation [176].

[174] Mileva to AE, Feb.28, 1939.
[175] 5% is a high rate of return, which does not matter as long as these interest rates, as provided by AE, are retained by Mileva and only appear on the tax declaration.
[176] Guggenheim to AE, Feb.17, 1939.

Is laywer Guggenheim a good lawer for being admired for his ability to negotiate, or are there doubts now already if he really only acts representing the interests of his client?

Mileva herself does not comment this payment request which had not been considered in the past. Albert and Guggenheim have taken the heaviest charge from her and Guggenheim is responsible for all kind of house administration yet.

[1939: Danger of war and danger for Eduard]

Mileva has new worries. "Here the possibility of a war is rising again," she writes to Albert, summoning him, who "has enough connections" in these countries to help her and Eduard to bring themselves to safety in one of the surrounding countries; in a more convenient way than, and not for example in a stream of refugees." [177]

[177] Mileva to AE, Feb. 26, 1939.

The fact that an invasion of the Germans could provoke a danger to Eduard - "opportunity to take a revenge for me" - this is a legitimate fear, Albert thinks; he sends immediately recommendations to the British and French authorities, but advises Mileva first to retire to the Swiss mountains where friends in the Canton of Glarus had a good place for her when Nazi Germany would force Switzerland to surrender. "When these two [...] are not visible", Hans Albert writes, "nobody will look for them." [178]

[178] AE to Hans Albert, after Jan.28, 1939.

[Einstein has hardly any cash]

Now there are the 5,000 Swiss francs coming to be payed and this is a big worry for him. The big part of his funds is invested interest-bearing [179].

[179] s. Princeton Bank and Trust Company, Feb.20, 1939.

To take something from there means that the interest will sink by an uncertain matter. Additionally since March 1939 also his sister Maja lives in his house, so his salary has to nourrish four persons at 112 Mercer Street [p.43] in Princeton.

Albert claims to Mileva that "the house [Hutten Street 62] seems to be saved for the time being, but with significant sacrifices. The mortgage issue has not been resolved yet." [180]

[180] AE to Mileva, after Feb.14, 1939.

[Hutten Street June 1939: Attorney Guggenheim now demands rent from Mileva - Guggenheim wants to force Mileva into a cheaper apartment - Guggenheim does Mileva's duties]

Guggenheim's proposal displeases him; but he cannot make any counterproposal promising success. He operates the transaction of the first part of the mortgage punctually. If the money will be part of a new mortgage remains an open matter first. Perhaps it had been better to finish with the matter now already when he had a clear knowledge how invasive Guggenheim will go on with his mandate. But it seems that Mileva has given in to the limitation of the rights given by the Corporation, and that she has also given in that the lawyer has made a rental contract with her and Eduard for the dwelled part of the flat where they live. The rent for her is under the market price, but is charging her budget considerably, as her income by subletting also falls away [181].

[181] Guggenheim to Corporation HuttRC, June 6, 1939.

Already in the spring of 1939 she was in arrears with the rent payment for her part of the flat. Guggenheim is deducting this amount from the rent revenue and makes advertisement for renting her flat. Is Mileva thinking now earnestly to change into a little cheaper flat? And was it a good luck that until first summer months nobody was found who wants to rent this flat in Hutten Street no.62 for 3,300 Swiff francs per year? Oh, this flat was in bad condition and was not renovated...

[Details are missing what was all not in order with this flat].

The Corporation and Albert are informed about these procedures only months later, and Guggenheim is censoring much not communicating everything. Without any doubt he is working with all layer's tricks for the matter of Hutten Street Realty Corporation not leaving out any legal loopholes [182].

[182] Guggenheim to Corporation HuttRC, June, 23, 1939; Guggenheim to AE, Aug.21, 1939; s.a. Guggenheim to Corporation HuttRC, Oct.23, 1941.

He has success after success and becomes always more indispensable - as for his work for the 15,000 SFr. mortgage wich was handled out between February 1939 and autumn 1940 in numerous letters - and, above all, he is exceeding his power cashing high fees for managing the administration work, or he lets do it by third persons, which were given by the Corporation to Mileva. So resistance is coming up and Albert and the Corporation does not want to accept that any longer [183]. In summer 1939, Mr. Otto Nathan is on a Europe trip taking this opportunity for speaking personally with [p.44] the laywer with the goal that - as is Albert's oder - "my dear ex will administrate the house alone again." [184]

[183] Otto Nathan to AE, June 19, 1939; AE to Otto Nathan, June 22, 1939
[184] AE to Otto Nathan, July 10, 1939.

[Hutten Street no. 62: Guggenheim switches and acts as he wants - the creditors of Hinterberg Street can still make their lawsuit]

The conversation does not achieve the desired result. The correspondence between Georg Guggenheim, Albert Einstein, Otto Nathan and the New Yorker lawyers representing the Corporation shows that Guggenheim can go on acting as an administrator of the house Hutten Street no.62 without limit. This can be at one side becsue the "American" company needs Guggenheim as Swiss representative for juridic matters at the location, at the other side procedures which are already going should be brought to a conclusion. So, what brought this conversation?

Uncertainty is going on regarding the other unsatisfied creditors of the houses at Hinterberg Street who can assert their claims yet. And it's unclear if the house Hutten Street no.62 will come out profitable or not [185].

[185] Guggenheim's calculation statement of Nov.20, 1940 is proving that in 1939 the house brought rental income of 11,740 Swiss francs. This includes the rent which Guggenheim is cashing from Mileva and from the subtenants. After deduction of all costs - may be the 600 Swiss francs for Mileva are included? - and deducting the mortgage interest remain 2,246 Swiss francs. Guggenheim is taking the half of it for his efforts.

[Huttenstrasse 62: Guggenheim insures stable conditions]

Will it be possible to entrust the administration of the house back to Mileva Einstein, not least to keep the expenses of the corporation as low as possible? What fees would George Guggenheim foresee for his services if he only had some sort of supervisor role to play?

With these questions the Corporation turns in October 1939 in writing to the Zurich lawyer. The letter is also alluding that a sale of the house is an option [186]. Guggenheim is confident that the property will not provoke any more cost than the 15,000 Swiss francs which are known since the beginning of the year. The house carries itself, he assures [187].

[186] Corporation HuttRC to Guggenheim, Oct.10, 1939.
[187] Guggenheim to Corporation HuttRC, Nov.4, 1939.

Between the assessment made in the summer of 1938 and Guggenheim's forecast in the autumn of 1939, however, a closer look reveals a difference of 5,000 SFr or more, money that is lost, above all, to Mileva [188].

[188] The sum of 5,000 SFr results, if one interprets Guggenheim's remark in such a way that the house does not make a deficit, but after deduction of the running costs there will only remain a little insignificant reminder of the income. This means for Mileva that the rental revenue of 2,000 to 3,000 Swiss francs falls away. Additionally her budget is charged by the missing income by subtenants, and she has to pay a rent herself now with 1,600 Swiss francs per year. So, when all is going fine, she would get the interests from Albert's mortgages, 1,600+160+675 Swiss francs, as also the 600 Swiss francs which were assured by the Corporation for her administration work.

[Mileva does not work anything! All are fighting, only Mileva not! Mileva does not make any further education, no courses! Mileva is immuring herself and is not making new relationships for new possibilities!]


[Einstein installs a 15,000 franc mortgage to hedge HIS 40,000 franc mortgage]

In the meantime, Albert has been persuaded that hedging his $ 40,000 mortgage - "probably in defiance of the still-to-be-challenged purchase" - would make it cheap to invest the $ 15,000 in the form of an additional mortgage [189]. He has to take this sum from his reserves, which he has already had in his will [190].

[189] AE to Otto Nathan, after Aug.10, 1939; AE to Otto Nathan, Sep.5, 1939; s. a. Guggenheim to AE, Aug.21, 1939; AE to Otto Nathan, Nov.3, 1939.
[190] That requires a revision of his will. But even in its revised version, Eduard comes first in the beneficiary. If his father died today or tomorrow, the interest on this investment, together with the interest on AEs mortgages on the house Hutten Street no.62, would secure Eduard's life. - In monthly installments, AE slowly increases his reserves again; s. AE to Otto Nathan, Nov.24, 1939.

[State of war as of September 1939: Guggenheim without answers, unpaid bills, real estate tax "unique defense sacrifice" - Einstein is no longer in the mood]

With the outbreak of war in autumn 1939, the correspondence thins out. Guggenheim complains that he did not receive any replies to his letters to the corporation and that his bills had not been paid. That may be because coordination between Albert, his financial adviser, Otto Nathan, and the legal experts who provide the correct wording and notarial signature, does not always run smoothly. But it may also have something to do with Princeton's slow-moving unwillingness to hold onto a house whose rent surpluses, reduced in 1940 by a tax levied on real property as a "one-off loony," flow almost entirely into the lawyer's pockets, and at the end he is also claiming a part of the mortgage interest from Mileva [191].

[191] Guggenheim to Otto Nathan, April 13, 1940; s. a. Corporation HuttRC to Guggenheim, Oct.21, 1940; Guggenheim to Corporation HuttRC, Aug.30, 1940; Guggenheim to AE, Oct.18, 1940; AE to Guggenheim, Oct.11, 1940; s. a. Otto Nathan to AE, Nov.14, 1940.

[Hutten Street Trust Company with only one shareholder Otto Nathan - de facto shareholder is Einstein - the cantonal tax office demands income tax on Einstein's mortgage interest rates]

In November 1940 - the mortgage over 15,000 SFr is officially registered since several weeks and it would have come the time to hand back the administration of the house from Guggenheim's office into Mileva's hands - but now the lawyer indicates complications indicating that the Corporation as owner of a dwelling building with a value of nearly 200,000 Swiss francs has only one single shareholder, Otto Nathan, with a deposit of just 150 Dollars. This fact and controlling the documents for the financial maneuver the cantonal tax office - "and rightfully so" - had concluded that not the Trust Company Hutten Street Realty Corporation, but professor Einstein himself would be "the main party interested from an economic point of view in the real property", and he himself, this means [p.46] as a private person, has to pay income tax on his mortgage interest [192]. Now, the tax request for 1939 and 1940 may be an additional amount that can be accepted. More complicate will be the consequences because it comes out that the construction with Hutten Street Realty Corporation does nos fulfill the purpose obviously for which it had been installed.

Still, they are not a direct threat. But again, Albert, Otto Nathan, and their American advisors are considering whether it would be more sensible to "get rid of the house." First and foremost, however, the high costs incurred by Guggenheim's administration must be contained. This is to be demanded in a friendly, informal letter to Guggenheim [193].

[192] Guggenheim to Corporation HuttRC, Nov.26, 1940.
[193] Otto Nathan to AE, Nov.14, 1940.

[March 1941: Mileva is still in Zurich]

In mid-March 1941, after a long silence, Mileva spoke again about this matter. She did not leave Zurich when "indescribable excitement" prevailed in May 1940 and 30,000 Zurich people fled in panic over an anticipated German invasion into the countryside and into the mountains [194] and continues to wonder how Eduard could be protected from the revenge of German invaders.

[194] Mileva to AE, Maja Winteler-Einstein, May 21, 1940.

[Hutten Street no.62: Guggenheim charging too high fees - but he is irreplaceable - Einstein foresees that also his "rescue money" will be lost in the end]

Mileva is sharing Albert's opinion about Guggenheim's administration work considering the fees; it's much too much. But basically she is well satisfied with the results of his efforts with the bank and the authorities. One should not "take the thing out of his hands, this would be a deadly offense", she is arguing, "and, in rage, he could play us any bad joke." But perhaps it's possible yet to transfer her "all work which not has to be done in his office"; she would already now look after "these businesses with tenants, craftsmen, heating, etc." [195]

of Guggenheim's caretaker activity is shared as far as fees are concerned; they are gross. Basically, she is quite satisfied with the results of his efforts at the bank and the authorities. One should "not simply rip the matter out of his hands, that would fatally offend him," she argues, "and, incurably, he could play some joke on us." Maybe it's possible, "all work that is not exactly has to be done in his office ", to transfer it; she is already looking after "these businesses with the tenants, craftsmen, heating, etc." already now [195].

[195] Mileva to AE, March 26, 1941.

An amicable solution is not in sight. Furthermore, the house causes "enormous difficulties and costs" and Albert is regretting since a long time that he was giving in to take it over; it may be feared that all will be lost at the end what was invested to save it. "Guggenheim comes out as a bad pickpocket." There should be found another administrator as fast as possible. Because one could not trust the administration to Mileva without [p.47] endangering the whole transaction after all. This is the view of the Corporation yet in the beginning of August 1941 [196].

long regrets that he has allowed himself to be softened to take it over; it is to be feared that in the end everything will be lost that he has invested in his salvation. "Guggenheim turns out to be a bad bag cutter." As soon as possible, another administrator must be found. For Mileva could not be entrusted to the administration without later jeopardizing the whole transaction. This is the view of the corporation at the beginning of August 1941 [196].

[196] AE to Mileva, after July 8, 1941, Aug.5, 1941.

But two weeks later Albert writes to her: "We have decided to give you the administration of the Hutten Street into your hands." An official letter to Guggenheim is already on the way; also Mileva will receive such a correspondence from the corporation. Under the current circumstances, this step is a lower risk and more new sacrifices will be hindered "which will be probably in vain at the end." [197]

[197] AE to Mileva, Aug.14, 1941.

[Hutten Street 62: Mileva gets the administration - Guggenheim retains revenue for himself - CH constantly invents new taxes for homeowners]

In October 1941, Guggenheim is handing out the administrative documents to Mileva, an empty cash register and tax debts from the years 1939 to 1941. He retains the rental surplus of the previous years - more than 900 SFr for 1939 and 1940 and an amount of unknown amount for the current year [198].

[198] Mileva to AE, Oct.20, 1941; Mileva to AE, Dec.2, 1941; s. a. Guggenheim to Corporation HuttRC, Dec.16, 1941; s. a. Mileva to Otto Nathan, May 16, 1947.

He has just arranged a "matter with a difficult tenant," the "tiresome story with the tax office" remains unfinished. Guggenheim justifies himself by saying that the Corporation did not answer his letters. The matter is more complicated now by the fact that "unfortunately difficult conditions are prevailing now and everything is taxed, which somehow is possible to be taxed." [199]

[199] Mileva to AE, Sep.14, 1941, Sep.15, 1941.

[Hutten Street no.62: A tenant from the Cantonal Tax Office Mileva's existence "easier"]

Perhaps it is Mileva's work in the background - at her request, a friendly tenant who is a high official at the Cantonal Tax Office, is working with this matter - or Guggenhaim had done a good job with maneuvers that the authority finally agrees to the following compromise:

"Here is taxed the mortgage in question which is on your name, and [...] they will stop any further blockage to which the office should be obliged to according to the new regulations." So Albert will not be obliged to present his "American" income and fortune. When he does not accept this proposal, so "the story could come out just badly", Mileva warns.

She is confident that the old tax debts will be covered by the money she has now received under her direction, and she pleads Albert to accept the [S.48] compromise because "it would be a catastrophe for us when also this house would be lost." [200]

[200] Mileva to AE, Oct.20, 1941.

At the beginning of November 1941, Mileva received the letter from the Corporation confirming her appointment as administrator of Haus Hutten Street 62. Their tasks are described in detail: they include the cashing of rents, maintenance of the house including minor repairs, payment of taxes and mortgage interest, and regular detailed bills must be sent to the Hutten Street Realty Corporation. From time to time also an evaluation of the property is expected. Mileva is not authorized to enter into commitments on behalf of the Corporation other than those necessary to maintain the property. Negotiations with the tax authorities remain - officially or without a clear mandate - Guggenheim's task until further notice [201].

[201] Corporation HuttRC to Mileva, Nov.7, 1941.

[January 1942: Guggenheim is still acting for Hutten Street no.62]

Even in January 1942, attorney Guggenheim is still in never-ending negotiations with the authorities, and he still proves himself to be a clever lawyer acting for the benefit of the Corporation. At least that's how it appears in his detailed reports on the tax benefits he has negotiated for the client and hopes to negotiate in the future. But his negotiating skills reach their limits, his delaying tactics creates confusion, the recently negotiated tax relief turns into a tax increase, his justifications persuade only for a brief moment [202].

[202] Guggenheim to Corporation HuttRC, Dec.16, 1941, Jan.23, 1941, Feb.3, 1942; Otto Nathan to AE, Jan.16, 1942.

[Hutten Street 62 in January 1942: Mileva sends an incomplete report - the house actually does not come out (!) - Einstein expects bankruptcy]

In mid-January 1942, Mileva sent the Corporation the billing for the year before. The rental income of 11,647.20 Sfr is offset by expenses of 10,525.79 SFr. This does not include Guggenheim's claims of more than SFr2,000 for the first nine months of 1941, nor the arrears for 1939 and 1940, the final amount of which has not yet been decided.

Also, Mileva did not list the mortgage interest of 1,600 SFr. for Albert's 40,000 SFr. mortgage, which she would have been allowed to take for her own maintenance [203].

     [203] Mileva to Corporation HuttRC, Jan.18, 1942.

In fact, the house makes a considerable deficit in 1941. Whether this means a bad forecast for the whole year, in which Guggenheim will no longer make any demands [p.49], remains to be seen. The Corporation is now officially depriving him of the mandate for representation before the tax authorities.

Albert announces to Mileva in mid-February 1942: "You receive an authorization of the Corporation representing the Corporation at the authorities." But Mileva is not allowed to make new commitments without the consent of the Corporation. "When all is going too far, we have to get rid of the house yet." He is promising that this will only happen by harsh reasons. He above all would be eager to secure the support for her and for Eduard, and the possession could only be maintained when the support will not be reduced. "You are at the mercy of arbitrariness, as long as you have something tangible," he says to Mileva, who values ​​property and security far more than her rather needless ex-husband, who considers the course of events in a dry way: "Bankruptcy is the only reliable thing in those big times." [204]

[204] AE to Mileva, Feb.15, 1942.
A bankruptcy is not apparent for the time being. After a few tenant changes, all apartments in the house Hutten Street no.62 are let in the spring of 1942. The tax authority has authorized Mileva to pay off the old debts in monthly installments of 100 SFr. , which obviously does not overburden their budget; their concern is again primarily Eduard [205].

     [205] Mileva to Corporation HuttRC, March 25, 1942; s. a. AE to Mileva, July 26, 1942.

[December 1941: Rothschild's escalation after Pearl Harbor with "USA" entering the war blocking any written correspondence "USA"-CH]

The US entry into the war is affecting the postal service between Europe and America. Albert's sister Maja, now in exile with her brother Albert at Princeton for three years, maintains correspondence with her husband in Geneva passing the mail over an address in England. Mileva has given up writing letters to America. It's not just the postal obstacles that neither Albert nor the Corporation hear from Mileva for more than two years. It is "generally still good here," as she reports to her older son after twenty months of silence in December 1943. Because of the shortage of combustible, one could only heat the stove in the living room and she hopes that the winter will not be too severe, but "concerning the rest we do not have it bad". What they need is available, with certain wartime restrictions. It sounds as if they can afford what they need [p.50]. Edward's state of health is a heavier burden than the property management. Mileva is hiding more details [206].

[206] Mileva to Hans Albert, December 29, 1943

[February 1944: Eduard = unfit for work - Mileva wants the money for Eduard in her name]

Letters may be lost or confiscated by censorship: telegrams reach their addressees. In February 1944 Mileva asked Albert by telegram to issue the monthly transfer for Eduard in her name. She gives no reason [207] but Albert, convinced that there must be a good reason for the desired change, is promptly contacting the bank with which he has made a special arrangement in favor of the incapacitated son, which was a guarantee for punctual and reliable money transfer during the war years. Mileva's wish can be fulfilled without putting in danger the arrangement [208].

[207] A first presumption that this change might have to do with Eduard's hospitalization is not confirmed.
[208] Mileva to AE, Feb.5, 1944; AE to Weber, Credit Suisse NY, Feb.8, 1944.

[Telegram April 1944: Einstein gives 500 Swiss francs extra for Hutten Street no.62]

Two months later, she telegraphs once again: she had unavoidably high expenses for the house, "PRIE INSTAMMilevaNT AUSSITOT POSSIBLE 500 FR" (French: "PLEASE AT Otto NathanCE AS FAST AS POSSIBLE 500 FR"). Albert transfers the money promptly [209].

[209] Mileva to AE, April 14, 1944

[Autumn 1944: Again censorship-free correspondence "USA"-CH - Einstein still expects the bankruptcy of Hutten Street no.62 - testament]

In the autumn of 1944, "Switzerland is finally free from encirclement" and Albert has heard that letters are being sent uncensored and without delay again. He hastens to give Mileva and Eduard at least a short greeting. He still hopes "that things are going well with the house," but he does not hide his skepticism.

Three years ago, the house has made a deficit. It was probably not advantageous to hold on to it. If the situation in Zurich has not changed for the better, at least he can come up with some good news: "By the way, I've taken care of you as best I could for the time after my death (in the will)." [210]

[210] AE to Mileva, Nov.19, 1944.

For the time before his death counts still the following: "As long as I live, I'll somehow keep you afloat."

[Zurich summer 1943: loan for installing an air-raid shelter - repayment is due in autumn 1945: 900 SFr. - the 0 balance of Hutten Street no.62]

Has the situation in Zurich changed for the better?

Until autumn of 1945, Mileva does not need Albert's offer. Then the payback of a credit is due, which had to be for installing the air raid shelter which was prescribed by law [p.51].

As a precaution, she adds another wish to the request for the money, which Albert, after sending Mileva 900 SFr, passes on to Otto Nathan: "She urgently requested that she would not be robbed of the house." And he is adding pushing skepticism of the last year away: "I think she's right." [211]

[211] AE to Otto Nathan, Nov.12, 1945; Mileva to AE, Nov.26, 1945.

How threatening the situation in Zurich has become, one learns in New York and Princeton at the beginning of the new year. On January 19, 1946, Mileva sends the billing to the Corporation for the years 1942, 1943, and 1944. The balance confirms Albert's premonition: "There is no money," writes Mileva. As long as Guggenheim took charge of the administration, she had not received a cent; In the following years, the revenue would not or had only scarcely covered the exceptionally high expenditure due to the war. After three years in which the property has been in deficit, Mileva's settlement for 1944 shows a surplus of 415 SFr. [212]

[212] Mileva to Corporation HuttRC, Jan.19, 1946.

[The houses of Hinterbergstrasse are not mentioned anymore?]

8. What did Mileva and Eduard live from? "The corporation wants us to go beg ...":
From the decision to sell the house in 1946 until Mileva's death

[Hutten Street no.62: rents remain the same - mortgage interests rise without end]

For the year 1945 Milevas account shows a plus of 241 SFr. The rental income has remained unchanged since last year [213], the total amount of mortgage interest payable has increased by Sfr. 400, since 1942 by Sfr. 1,000 [214];

[213] In 1943, revenues had dropped significantly compared with 1942, perhaps because Mileva was no longer paying rent.
[214] Amazingly enough, the 1,600 SFr. from Alberts mortgage which are hold back by Mileva are not included, see Mileva to Corporation HuttRC, March 6, 1946

[1946: Einstein's Trust Company wants to sell the house Hutten Street no.62 - why was the house not sold to son Hans Albert? - Expected profit: 30,000 Swiss francs per year]

Mileva will voluntary give further detail if needed. But now the Corporation is not interested in more details any more. It seems that the maintenance of the house has become completely unprofitable, this means: the matter is beyond control.

The Corporation is deciding this definitely in summer 1946 to sell the house "under the present relatively favorable conditions". "We would try, writes Albert to his elder son, "with an arrangement so that Mileva gets the right to stay in her flat under [fixed] conditions, so that the change for [p.52] her would be only a discharge." Hans Albert is travelling for a visit to Zurich in summer 196, and he has the thankless task to convince his mother from the necessity to sell the house without bad consequences for her [215].

[215] AE to Hans Albert, May 13, 1946.

After his return and after consultation with his father in Princeton, Hans Albert once again states this in writing for the mother: "The revenue of the sale of the house should benefit you first, in form of a rent or other kind of support." For Eduard the fixed support will continue to be payed regularly [216], independently if he is at home or in the clinic [217].

[216] Since mid-1943, these are 350 SFr monthly.
[217] Hans Albert to Mileva, Nov.3, 1946.

Does Albert mean with "revenue" the "profit", the amount, which will be paid out with the sale of the house? Or are these three different sums?

Mileva will have her thoughts.

A "very competent person" in Zurich calculates in September 1946 a selling price that "comes close to the insurance value of 228,000 francs", but the house looks like to be very renovation-needed. All in all after deducing all obligations, a profit of about 30,000 SFr. seems realistic [218] and this is the last push for the Corporation to begin with the sale's procedure.

[218] Leo Hofmann to Helen Dukas, Sep.23, 1946.

On behalf of Hutten Street Realty Corporation, Albert Mileva asks to look for suitable ways.

[Hutten Street no.62: Mileva trusts the homeowner association]

As early as the beginning of December, Mileva "has started the matter with the house", the property was valued by the Homeowner Association, being known as decent and reliable, and she was investigating how the Homeowner Association will be helpful with the sale. She reports in a satisfied way that the estimation had come out "considerably well", the house had a value of 210,000 - 215,000 SFr. the Homeowner Association would take a fee of 1% of the sale's value organizing a buyer and proceeding the work for the authorities [p.53].

[Hinterberg Street is auctioned - Mileva remains in debt - mortgage bonds (owner bonds) in Guggenheim's hands yet]

Mileva does not openly oppose the sale. How little she cares about the process, however, becomes clear in her anxious letters to Albert: "I already see ourselves as homeless," she laments, for in Zurich there is a great shortage of housing. She also fears that cash will be lost to her with the devaluation of her money, and recalls that her debts were not annulled when the two houses on Hinterberg Street were auctioned: "The claims of those people never finish." And finally she speaks about the mortgage bonds, which are not defined on Albert's name as it was claimed several times in the past years, but they can be redeemed by anyone who shows them [219]. And again she is mistrusting Guggenheim, and this mistrust is justified as it will come out. Mortgage notes were let in his hands, of 15,000 and 4,000 Swiss francs, and she requieres Albert to handle that also the mortgage note of 40,000 Swiss francs will come to her possession or will be deposited in a bank and she would have access to it [220].

[219] However, AE is registered by name in the land register.
[220] Guggenheim to Corporation HuttRC, Jan.21, 1947; Guggenheim to Corporation HuttRC, March 10, 1947; Guggenheim to Corporation HuttRC, March 11, 1947; s. Mileva to Otto Nathan, March 26, 1947; Otto Nathan to Mileva, April 14, 1947; Mileva to Otto Nathan, May 16, 1947; Otto Nathan to Mileva, May 24, 1947; Mileva to AE, Dec.12, 1946.

Albert thinks that Mileva's concerns are reasonable and understandable. But he is comparing yet cash with a house considering that the danger to loose everything selling the house would be bigger than the inflation which destroys only a part of the money. Mileva is afraid to be without home at the end? Albert is giving advice to make a paragraph in the sale's treaty putting a right to live for life there. When this would not be possible, another flat could be provided with the revenue. And as one could not give any money to Mileva because of her depths which never go away, he is advising her to deposit the money in Zurich in the name of the Corporation. And another topic is that Eduard now should be deprived of rights because of incapacity. "Just think about the helplessness of his situation, if somehow he would be in a position to dispose of his own money", explains Albert the measure. In another passage of the letter he is telling something about the protection from exploitation. This includes, without clear saying, also the prohibition for Mileva to take the son's money [221].

[221] AE to Mileva, Dec.22, 1946.


[31.12.1946: Selbstmordversuch von Sohn Eduard - wöchentlich mehrere Besuche von Mutter Mileva im Burghölzli - Beinbruch am 17.2.1948]

Mileva's response to the Corporation reaches Otto Nathan at the end of March 1947. She asks for leniency; In the meantime a misfortune had come over her. Details she does not mention [222].

[222] In the night of December 31, 1946, Eduard made his suicide attempt throwing himself from a window, without success. Then he was brought in this night to Cantonal Psychiatric Hospital Burghölzli of Zurich. Mileva is visiting him several times a week. On February 17, 1948, it's icy weather in Zurich, she is sliding breaking a leg. All this is communicated to Princeton and New York only weeks later.

She promises that she will handle the matter of Eduard's incapacitation as soon as she can; she hopes to be able to fulfill her obligations to the Corporation in future "in some way".

But before house sales and incapacitation deprive her of their authority, Mileva demands more security: Will Albert stick to his commitment and provide Eduard with the SFr. 40,000 mortgage, perhaps also the second SFr. 15,000 mortgage? She "would be very glad if Mr. Prof would send me a clear message on what he wants to leave to Teddi, so that in case of any need I have something in my hands. [... Eduard] is also the son of the Prof. [...] and should, if possible, not remain without means."

[from 1947: Mileva presses for cash for Eduard, before Albert's death already - because of the high inheritance tax in the CH - Albert waits, who is Edward's legal guardian]

Because the inheritance tax in Switzerland is very high, Mileva insists on making the transfer now, not only after Albert's death. And in order not to put such a demand into a bad light, she emphasizes that Otto Nathan may not believe that she was only anxious to "take as much money as possible from Mr. Prof". She proposes to leave the mortgage of 40,000 CHF at the house. This would leave the beneficiary with a secure source of income of 1,600 SFr per year to receive. Mileva wants the little mortgage of 4,000 SFr. payed in cash. "I have no intention of consuming the money for pleasure," she assures; she wants to hold it as a small reserve for emergencies [223].

[223] Mileva to Otto Nathan, March 26, 1947.

Mileva's arguments sound plausible and her wishes barely go beyond what was Albert's project for her. But by good reason he is holding his decision to let the letters of debt be overwritten on Eduard only when the son has a reliable legal guardian.

[April 1947: Eduard's Burghölzli stay: $ 600 - Mileva Tacts Against the Attitude of a Guardian Who May Also Patronize It (!)]

In mid-April 1947, Albert transfers $ 600 [[appr. 2500 SFr. in those times - web01]] to Mileva, to cover the deficit which her hospitalization has caused in the housekeeping budget, and on behalf of the Corporation, Otto Nathan promises her that once the house is sold, and when Eduard [p.55] has got a legal guardian, the equivalent of the Sfr 40,000 mortgage resp. of the mortgage itself will be defined on his [[Eduard's]] name and Mileva will get Sfr. 4,000 directly [224].

[224] Otto Nathan to Mileva, April 14, 1947, AE to Credit Suisse, April19, 1947.
In May 1947, Mileva entrusted the homeowners' association with the sale of the property and now also seeks advice and help from friends and acquaintances concerning the matter of a leagl guardian for Eduard. It becomes obvious that they want to postpone the decision as long as possible and avoid the regulatory hurdles. "The matter is not urgent at all", she explains to Albert, explaining to Otto Nathan that "the certificate of the Director" from Burghölzli will protect Eduard "for all difficulties, and also from any incapacitation." [225] Cleverly she conceals what is behind Albert's request, and what she does not want to imagine: to gove away her own "legal guardianship" [226] with her own son. And she is acting very carefully for protecting all what is possible for herself and her "charge" [227].
[225] Mileva to Otto Nathan, May 16, 1947; Mileva to AE, May 30, 1947; Mileva to Heinricht Zangger, June 4, 1947; Mileva to Otto Nathan, June 5, 1947.
[226] "In the beginning of Teddi's illness, I am officially enrolled as his legal guardian", Mileva to AE, May 30, 1947. How officially her function is or was, cannot be investigated with the documents of the authorities. Doubts may be justified with this role as legal guardian "by authority", above all, because Eduard's file of guardianship is only beginning at 1941, and there is nothing indicated that Mileva had got the responsibility transmitted in 1932 or 1933 or later.
[227] It is also R. Milentijevic's assumption that Mileva acts purposefully in a fraudulent manner (book: Mileva Maric Einstein - zivot sa Albertom Ajnstajnom, Belgrade 2012). However, she does not consider Mileva's approach to be condemnable, but her action makes sense considering maternal concern. R. Highfield / P. Carter (The secret lives of Albert Einstein, dtv Munich 1996 p.310) call it Mileva's "retaliatory weapon".      

[227] Dass Mileva in betrügerischer Absicht zielstrebig vorgeht, ist auch R. Milentijevics Annahme (Mileva Maric Einstein – zivot sa Albertom Ajnstajnom, Belgrad 2012). Sie betrachtet Milevas Vorgehen allerdings nicht als verurteilenswert, sondern als zweckmäßig im Sinn mütterlicher Sorge. R. Highfield/P. Carter (Die geheimen Leben des Albert Einstein, dtv München 1996 p.310) bezeichnen es als Milevas „Vergeltungswaffe“.

[July 1947: The organization of the sale of the house Hutten Street 62]

At the beginning of June 1947, people for the house purchase could be found and now, Mileva needs a power in written from the Corporation and needs the mortgage letters which she has to show at the signing of the contract. Otto Nathan's idea was to have a lawyer for this, but Mileva means this would not be necessary because the Homeowner's Association would be on her side.

The Corporation payed all bills from lawyer Guggenheim for his little work from 1943-1947, it can be assumed that his bills were partly not justified or at least too high. Then mid of July, the lawyer hands over to district lawyer Mr. Karl Zürcher all files about the house Hutten Street 62 with the mortgage letters which were deposed with him [228], where the files are ready for Mieva. Also the required

[228] District Attorney Karl Zürcher is the brother of recently deceased prosecutor Emil Zürcher, with whose family Mileva had maintained friendly contact for many years.


power in written has reached Zurich. So there should not be any obstacle any more for the sale's procedure. Again Mileva is asking what she should do with the cash which should be payed to her. She gets the order to deposit this cash in the name of the Corporation on a bank, and Albert is emphasizing again how glad he would be when the transaction would be completed, "so after my death will not remain such a dangerous and difficult situation for Tetel's support." [229]

[229] Mileva to Otto Nathan, July 18, 1947; Otto Nathan to Mileva, July 31, 1947; AE to Hans Albert, Aug.25, 1947; see also AE to Heinrich Zangger, July 28, 1947
[Es scheint absolut fragwürdig, wieso Albert Einstein für den Verkauf von Huttenstrasse 62 nicht selbst nach Zürich kommt].

[Hutten Street no.62 on Sep.1, 1947: house sale to Walter Siegmann - Einstein is NOT PRESENT (!) - takeover of the mortgages, balance sum comes on Oct.1, 1947]

[It seems absolutely questionable why Albert Einstein did not come to Zurich himself for the sale of Hutten Street no.62 - because Einstein is retired now].

On September 1, 1947 Mileva signed in presence of the notary a treaty so the property of Hutten Street no.62 will be transferred becoming the possession of Mr. Walter Siegmann on October 1, 1947, for the price of 235,000 SFr. The buyer accepts the house mortgages amounting to a total of 192,000 Swiss francs, in which are included Alberts mortgages over 40,000 SFr and 15,000 SFr, and will pay the remaining amount in cash on 1 October. The remaining sum is 43,000 SFr, of which Mileva has to pay the house owners' association a commission and taxes and, as it was already promised by the corporation in April, she may keep 4,000 SFr [230].

[230] Robert Meyer to Corporation HuttRC, Sep.1, 1947, Mileva to Corporation HuttRC, Sep.1, 1947.

[Huttenstrasse 62 wird weiterverkauft: Neuer Besitzer wird: Frieda Ehrler, Privatiere - und neuer Streit wegen einem Hypothekenbrief]

[Mit dem Weiterverkauf wird die Klausel, dass Mileva im Haus wohnen bleiben kann, hinfällig].
[Hutten Street no. 62 is resold: new owner becomes: Frieda Ehrler, Private Banking - and new dispute over a mortgage letter]
[With the resale, the clause that Mileva can stay in the house becomes obsolete].
Walter Siegmann, notary and authorized representative of the UTO Commerce and Administration Co. (UTO Handels- und Verwaltungs-AG) [[in Lucerne]], will not be the new owner for long. A few weeks after signing the contract, the house is sold to Frieda Ehrler, Private Banking (Privatiers), with a profit for sure. On Sep.3, Mileva, as Otto Nathan is not to reach, asks Albert to write "immediately" to lawyer Meyer - Meyer is the partner and successor of ex-prosecutor Emil Zürcher who had died just a short time ago, but he has the mortgage letter of over 40,000 SFr. in his deposit. Together with an updated full power in written - because of a change of persons in the Corporation - she had to show also these documents to the notary in Zurich, she writes, and she remembers him: "In the beginning of these negotiations you offered me to give me the money. Please, do it! Here it's invested on the name of the Company with the declaration that I can dispose of it, for the support of the sick son." [231]
[231] Mileva to AE, Sep.3, 1947.

Is Mileva talking about the cash that will be paid out on October 1st, or does she mean, above all, the $ 40,000 of the mortgage, for ransoming she has no order, and which is for the Eduard's support in project since 1934 already? [p.57]

Four days later, Albert has already transmitted the Mileva's requests to the lawyers of the Corporation, they will emit the updated full power in written. Albert is writing a letter to Mileva now, and he puts the letter to lawyer Meyer into the same envelope calculating that there will be further notice about the sale procedure soon: "As soon as we here know where the sum of the sale is deposited, we will ensure that you will have the right to dispose of it." [232]

[232] AE to Mileva, Sep.7, 1947.

Respective to the fact that Mileva will be allowed to dispose about only a little part of the sale's profit, this is not a favorable sentence. On Sep.20, Otto Nathan is therefore explaining again in clear words "how the hole sale's procedure is going": 4,000 SFr. should be given Mileva at disposal at once after the payment procedure of the sale's sum. The counter value of the mortgage of 40,000 SFr. (or preferably, the mortgage itself) "will be installed for the support of her son [...] and as soon as her son has got a legal guardian." From the remaining sum of the sum which has to be payed on Oct.1, 1947, the Corporation needs 25,000 SFr. "first for paying back the depghs which were made years ago for paying the mortgages of SFr. 15,000", and secondly, for paying of profit tax (gains tax) in the "USA" which is due by the house purchase [233].

[233] Otto Nathan to Mileva, Sep.20, 1947

[From Oct.1, 1947: The purchase contract is valid - the Corporation does not get a sales contract, no money transfer, Mileva remains silent - Einstein plans to revise his will accordingly]

With the 1st of October 1947 the purchase contract becomes valid. Now the corporation is waiting for a copy of the documents.

But now, Mileva is mute. Until mid of December there were several warning letters to Mileva's address, but no purchase treaty, nor a transaction or any news where Mileva has put the cash has arrived in "America".

In this embarrassment Albert turns to District Attorney Karl Zürcher with the request that he would induce Mileva to fulfill her obligations. When she does not want to give the money out of hand - in the meantime Albert also counts on this possibility - he has to update his will making a balance [234].

[234] AE to Karl Zürcher, Dec.18, 1947.

What may seem like a heartless display of power and that some biographers see as a threat to disinherit Eduard must, on the contrary, be understood as an indication of Albert's pre-and-fears for the sick son. For Edward [p.58] the will says that Einstein has defined the biggest trust fund, and it's the only one which is not allowed to be cut for other heirs, even if the estate is lower than calculated. In the calculation included are the 15,000 Swiss francs of the 1939 mortgage, as well as the 40,000 Swiss francs mortgage which was taken by Albert in 1935. When this money will be lost in Switzerland, when it cannot be saved as Alberts inheritage for Eduard, then the sums of all other heirs have to be redistributed with a new key [235].

[235] "Memorandum re proposed revision of will of dr. Einstein ", Marc 9, 1940. This redistribution in order to "install a fair balance" will be discussed again in the autumn of 1948, when AE and legal guard Meili are considering to withhold all the money in Zurich for Eduard's supply, and the other son Hans Albert should be given a bigger percentage in the will as a compensation.

Attorney Zürcher's intervention [236] turns out to be successful first.

[236] Karl Zürcher to Mileva, Dec.24, 1947

[1.10.1947-Jan.1948: Nun kommen Intrigen gegen Mileva: Käufer Siegmann bricht sein Wort, eine Bekannte beraubt Mileva, Mieter werden frech - Eduard will ins Burghölzli flüchten - Mileva klagt, wie werde zur Bettlerin]

[Oct.1, 1947-Jan.1948: Now intrigues are started against Mileva: Buyer Siegmann breaks his word, a friend is robbing Mileva, tenants are insulting - Eduard wants to flee to Burghölzli - Mileva complains that she would become beggars]

Even before the turn of the year, Mileva broke her silence and reported to Albert with a longer letter: "It's been ages since I wanted and should write to you and report on everything." Her report on the house sale is limited to a few lines, but she is writing much then about all the bad things and manipiulations against her which were coming after the sale's procedure and have harmed her and Eduard very much so in the last November week, he himself requested to be brought into the clinic. She complains about insulting tenants in the house, about the buyer who did not keep his word, about an acquantence woman who offered help but turned out to be a thief at the end [237];

[237] The woman turning out as a thief is Hilda Dukas, the widow of lawyer Hermann Dukas, she is a "notorious psychopath", and also her sister was a kleptomaniac. AE to Mileva, Jan.5, 1948.

she complains about the avaricious lawyer Zürcher and the recently acquired wealth impelling friend Zangger and asks for their desolate state of health: "I am sick and very suffering, so I can not do business at any moment". In a new paragraph, perhaps added only the next day, she says goodbye to the despondent and compassionate tone of the first pages and begins an attack. The corporation - in quotes without estimating much of it - "wants us to pull everything out of our hands and provoke that we would become beggars." [238]

[238] Mileva to AE, Dec.30, 1947; s. a. Mileva to AE, Jan.3, 1948.

And she reminds her ex-husband: "Please, don't forget, too, that we have a poor son who suffers; he has no father" and he could not count on his brother. What should become of him, as well as his mother no longer endures this sad life [p.59]. The requested money she will send "probably just after Newyear". "Take patience just some days", she begs him, "then the necessary answer will come which you have requested." This would be a good answer for Albert, who is impatiently waiting for the money and the contract for connected proceeding the matters in the "USA", pay the gains tax, and dissolve the Hutten Street Realty Corporation. But Mileva has also written another sentence before which may be an allusion that she has other things in project: A more precise answer will be given to Albert and to the Corporation "as soon as I have spoken with the guardian lawyer, and this is my duty to do." Is she calculating to get support from another side which lawyer Zürcher cannot give her? [239]

[239] Next month, Mileva will accuse Karl Zürcher of causing confusion instead of helping: "I implore you [...] no longer write this idiot," Mileva to AE, January 27, 1948.
(original German:
„Ich beschwöre Dich […] schreibe diesem Idioten nicht mehr“)

[1948: Mileva complains: Einstein never visits Zurich - but lives with 3 women in Princeton]

Mileva is complaining that Albert had given is sick son to the pledge with "only 300 Swiss francs per month", and that in the case of his death there wold not be any prevention for him. This sad impression Mileva is not only presenting to lawyer Zürcher. Similarly she is complaining in a letter to the director of the Psychiatric Hospital Burghölzli who is organizing the legal guard for Eduard: "Perhaps it would be possible that [the Guardianship Authority] could help us something to manipulate the father of my poor son that there would be more money support. He is not showing any interest for the poor suffering boy." But - Mileva says - he is living with 3 or 4 women who have all the reputation "to pluck him extensively". [240]

[240] Mileva to Manfred Bleuler, Jan.16, 1948.

[1948: Mileva suffers from mental confusion - diagnosis early summer 1948 - Einstein pays the Corporation out of his own pockets]

It is difficult to attribute all these accusations to Mileva's mental confusion that the doctors will diagnose in early summer 1948. But her behavior seems consistent yet, her claims sound credible and even the director of Burghölzli, the psychiatrist Manfred Bleuler, gives Mileva confidence. For a long time, Albert, in response to Mileva's moving letter of December 30, had revoked the Corporation's wire transfer request immediately by telegraph, then on the same day also a letter was sent [241] revoking the transfer request, and it was confirmed that the "American" depths of the Corporation will be payed by the personal fortune in "America".

[241] AE to Mileva, Jan.5. 1948; s. a. AE to Karl Zürcher, Jan.8, 1948; Karl Zürcher to Mileva, Jan.13, 1948.

This is not mentioned in Mileva's letters, she is continuing complaining. Because even before the "guardian jurist" [p.60] chould have had a chance to make effective his influence, she has solved the problem for herself and in her own way. Albert's assertion that all will be made like this, "as it's best in your and in Tetel's interest", has become meaningless; she can ignore all this.

[Mileva was thrown out of the house - costs without end
It was NOT foreseen
-- that Mileva was confronted with insulting tenants
-- that Mileva was thrown out of the house - and the new address is NOT mentioned here
-- and all the changing of the household and the rent of the new flat cost much - that's why Mileva is short of money
-- it seems that Mileva conceals to Einstein that she had been thrown ouf of the house (?!)].

[1948: Hans Albert protests against Einstein+Mileva because of a general commitment from Einstein - Einstein promises Hans Albert a clear safety]

That everything will be done as it is in Milevas and Eduard's interest, this is alarming now for Hans Albert with the suspition that his interests and rights were not respected. He requieres a say in the administration of the funds, because at the end he would be the one who will be asked by the state for Eduard's support [242].

[242] Hans Albert to AE, January 17, 1948; s.a. Hans Albert to AE, July 28, 1948. Behind Hans Albert's seemingly real reasoning stays also rivalry between the two brothers: the little brother was pampered, saved and spoiled, but the first-born had to take a man's role with 10 years already in the family, and then he was kept short of money "because of pedgagogic reasons". See about this also the letter from Hermann Anschütz-Kaempfe to AE, after Nov.15, 1925.

His father does not want to give him that say; but he promises him that with the help of the legal guardian everything will be done, "so that nothing gets stuck with you when I'm no longer there. [...] The worst thing that can happen is that Tetel's supply endangers your projected inheritage." [243]

[243] AE to Hans Albert, 21.1.1948.
(original German:
Dieses Mitspracherecht will ihm sein Vater nicht zugestehen; er verspricht ihm aber, dass mit Hilfe des Vormunds alles unternommen werde, „damit nichts an Dir hängen bleibt wenn ich nicht mehr da bin. [...] Das ärgste, was passieren kann, ist, dass Tetels Versorgung Deine Erbaussichten verdirbt.“)

Even this danger is slight, because according to American law, Albert's testament provides an instrument for dividing his legacy according to his own sense of justice and the needs of his sons and other heirs [244].

[244] AE to Otto Nathan, Sep.4, 1948.

[1948: Mileva was quit the apartment - Mileva is only suffering because of Eduard, and Einstein does NOT come (!!!) - legal guardian Meili]

At the end of January 1948, Mileva again asked the corporation for leniency in not having sent the sales contract and billing. The reason for the block would be the "so called Rent Office". There, her objection to the possibly unlawful quitting of the apartment is processed, which the new houseowner has made for the end of the year. Mileva does not complain for no reason about the misery in which she is. But is this a misery that would be remedied with Albert's financial help, as her friends and supporters believe? [245]

[245] "It would be a salvation if you would help your family a bit," Maria Kerekes to AE, May 18, 1948; s.a. Maria Kerekes to Michele Besso, June 1, 1948; Elly Bernet-Studer to AE, Jan.27, 1947 and other letters.

What is happening in her spirit when she is begging to Albert, "just send some money for the boy now already, the best would be here, so the people are quiet, so he has to live?" [246]

[246] Mileva to AE, Jan.27, 1948.

What does she expect to be able to expect from Albert, since she herself has already 'secured' most of the money that he has earmarked for Edward's support at this time? [p.61] But this will be detected by Albert and legal guard Mr. Meili only after Mileva's death.

[Beginning of February 1948: Eduard must sign his incapacitation - legal guardian Meili from March 1, 1948 on]

At the beginning of February 1948, Eduard signs his consent for the Guardianship Authority. Four weeks later, his incapacitation becomes final. From this time on, official guardian Dr. jur. Heinrich Meili is responsible for Eduard's well-being. This is the moment when Albert will write over the SFr. 40,000 mortgage on his son's name, or, alternatively, the cash amount for Eduard should be provided.

[Beginning of February 1948: Einstein still does not know where the money from the house sale of Hutten Street 62 is (!) - Mileva is mute with no indication about the money - nor telling to the new legal guardian Meili]

Now, the sale's documents have not reached "America" yet, nor Albert knows how high the gains tax will be to pay, nor does he know which sum was put on which bank in Zurich which could be used for the son or is used already. Now he is waiting for a report and ideas of Eduard's legal guardian. Mileva has kept him in the dark about her and Eduard's financial situation.

[March 1948: Mileva actually wanted Albert to come to Zurich to help (!) - and this Albert Einstein NEVER comes (!)]

Mid-March 1948 - In a further conversation with Mileva, attorney Zürcher had the impression that she will fulfill her obligations to the Corporation now [247].

[247] Karl Zürcher to Otto Nathan, June 18, 1948.

"Things have turned this way," she tells Albert, that she could send the desired documents. Behind her was an incredibly difficult time: "All men involved in the case" had proven to be fraudsters and counterfeiters. She even counts her ex-husband to this group of fraudsaters: "I would thank God, if I could get from your side, some kindness and help, because unfortunately I have too many duties to assist our poor child, which is also a difficult task and where I would be grateful for your assistance."

(original German: „Ich würde Gott danken, wenn ich auch von Deiner Seite, etwas Güte und Hilfe bekommen könnte, denn ich habe ja leider gar zu viel Pflichten unserem armen Kinde beizustehen, was auch eine schwere Aufgabe ist und wo ich auch für Deinen Beistand über alles dankbar wäre.“)

What assistance, what help does she hope for beyond the long-promised financial security of the sick son, which will now depend on how the legal guardian Meili assesses the situation? [248]

[248] Mileva to AE, March, 11, 1948

[This Einstein becomes criminal never coming to Zurich for a visit
Mileva had to take a cheap flat, the new address is NOT indicated, and Mileva becomes week, she feels her death and wants to see Einstein a last time - and this Einstein does NEVER come whereas this Einstein is retired, is FREduard of work!]

[End of May 1948: Mileva continues to hide the money from the sale of the house - stroke (brain attack) on May 27, 1948, cantonal hospital, half sided paralyzation (hemiplegia), mentally impaired - the money is in the hospital room: 87,300 francs (!) - Mileva means that it is about 30,000 francs (!)]

Also at the end of May, the sale's papers have not reached the Corporation yet. On May 27, Mileva suffers a stroke (brain attack) and is admitted to the Cantonal Hospital. She is paralyzed on one side and, as the receiving doctor states, mentally damaged and "unable to provide information about her financial circumstances". After all, [p.62] when the paramedics picked her up from her apartment she was clear-sighted enough to pack her cash. Soon after her hospitalization, the sector's nurse finds banknotes lying around "on the floor, in the bed and in the bedside table" of a value of 87,300 SFr. [249]

[249] Cantonal Hospital Zurich to Guardianship Authority, May 31, 1948

When questioned, Mileva states that the entire sum is owned by her - she estimates the total to be around SFr 30,000 - and this should handed over to the Guardianship Authority. It becomes clear that she wants to use this money for the care of the sick son [250].

[250] Minutes of the Guardianship Authority, June 2, 1948; there also remarks of legal guardian Meili, June 9, 1948

[Legal guardian Meili asks Albert Einstein what amount is intended for Eduard - and conceals the 87,300 Swiss francs to him (!!!)]

At the beginning of June 1948, Edward's legal guardian Heinrich Meili established contact with Albert Einstein. The Guardianship Authority has now entrusted him with Mileva's representation for the purposes of property matters, and Meili would like to know from Albert the means by which the nursing costs for mother and son are to be covered. Mileva has so far only spoken of "that she is in dispute with you because of the transfer of a large sum of money, which resulted from the sale of the house Hutten Street 62." That these conflicts were already settled before the guardian took office, Mileva did not seem to speak. And she did not mention either that Mili's idea to "save" the disputed sum "in the name of son Eduard Einstein" was discussed already . Meili is asking how high is the amount, and Albert cannot give the answer. Because the registered 87,300 SFr. which are registered at the Gaurdianship Authority now were not communicated to him, and are not communicated either in Meili's letter [251].

[251] Legal guardian Meili to AE, June 5, 1948, AE to legal guardian Meili, June 9, 1948

Albert answers immediately and in detail, leaving the legal guardian in no doubt which are the powers and obligation of Mileva to the Corporation, which revenues she had by house administration and by the sale of the house, and how the existing cash should proceeded. "Despite of all efforts without end" he had not succeeded to receive a final billing. About 40,000 SFr., so his estimation, had been payed cash to Mileva. This sum is property of the Corporation, and he decides that two mortgages which are on his name with a total value of 55,000 SFr. "should be used for paying the costs of Mileva's illness and for [p.63] the support of my mentally ill son". It was very important to him to regulate Eduard's care so that his elder son would not be charged later.

[June 1948: Albert Einstein informs son Hans Albert only now about the house sale and Eduard's incapacitation - and Einstein still does not go to Zurich (!!!)]

So far, Albert had avoided burdening Hans Albert with disquieting news about what had been going on in Zurich for a long time. Now he considers it necessary to inform him of Eduard's incarceration, and more importantly of the sale of the house: "Mileva had authority to proceed the transaction. Despite of all reminders and warnings she did not communicate what she has done with the cash even not indicating how much she has." Now the Corporation is in an embarrassment to pay a gains tax - in quotes emphasizing the nonsense of this term for him - but any data is missing for the calculation. "It's impossible to describe what costs and chicanes I had with this house all the years", he claims, "always only reproaches and fake information of people in Zurich about my behavior." [[But: he is retired now and never comes to Zurich for a visit also when Mileva is in hospital half paralyzed??!! Such an asshole!!]] For Eduard's support he could not have done anything until this moment; a final decision depends on the sum which left after the sale of the house [252].

[252] AE to Hans Albert, June 6, 1948

[Meili conceals to Einstein the 87,300 SFr. from Mileva]

In mid-June, the legal guardian Meili receives Einstein's answer. Now, Meili has to be aware that only a part of the 87,300 SFr found on Mileva can be her  property, but the other half belongs to the Corporation or to Albert personally. So, what kind of action is this to leave Albert without knowledge of this money?

Or does the legal guardian think that the elder son Hans Albert would inform Einstein about the most important facts [253]?

[253] Legal guardian Meili to Hans Albert, June 30, 1948

[Hans Albert conceals Einstein the 87,300 SFr. of Mileva]

However, Hans Albert sees little reason to pass on these details to the father. Well, he cannot answer the question who would be the legal owner of the 87,300 SFr., but Hans Albert will never adopt the opinion of his father "that all remainig money should be used for the support of Tetel." It can be assumed that above all the order of his father does not taste him good "not to [p.64] try to get something of the Zurich money as long as the matter with Tetel is not in order." [254]

Although he can give Meili no answer to the question of the rightful owner of the 87,300 SFr, under no circumstances but he agrees with the view of the father, "all remaining money in Zurich [should] be used on Tetels supply." Presumably he dislikes above all the instruction of the father, "under no circumstances [to] [S.64] trying to get something from the money in Zurich, as long as the matter is not settled with Tetel." [254]

[254] AE to Hans Albert, July 11, 1948.

[July 1948: Hans Albert has "no time" to come to Zurich - legal guardian Meili distributes the money]

Hans Albert would like to take matters into his own hands on the spot. But his professional commitments do not give him the time to travel to Zurich immediately [255]. In the middle of July 1948, legal guardian Meili therefore made the following obscure account for Hans Albert: 40,000 SFr are due to Albert Einstein; this could be taken from the divorce convention of 1919 [256]. 47,000 SFr are therefore Mileva's property, the last remnant of the Nobel Prize capital. Now, Meili wants to "conserve" the 40,000 SFr for his ward Eduard; that is in the spirit of the father and also corresponds to Hans Albert's suggestion, to secure "a lot" for the brother. The other available sums are the mortgages of all in all 55,000 SFr. which have to be negotiated for heritage, this will happen when time is coming [257].

[255] Frieda Einstein-Knecht to legal guardian Meili, July 20, 1948.
[256] Apparently there is a confusion with the "first-class commercial papers in the ... market value of 40,000 marks" before.
[257] Legal guardian Meili to Hans Albert, July 19, 1948

9. Mileva dies on August 4, 1948.
87,300 Swiss francs in notes:
The dispute over Mileva's estate until the final distribution of the balance between the sons in 1950

It is a fortunate coincidence that Otto Nathan is just on the way to a conference in Poland, so he can pass Zurich just some days after Mileva's death talking with all power representing Albert Einstein and the Corporation for speaking with legal guardian Meili about Eduard's future support. The decisive question is: will the legal guardian be able with the existing means to save Eduard's support to Hans Albert "will not be charged later which could be a ruin for him because his income as scientist is a modest one?" Already Einstein had promised his elder son that he will not spare sacrifices to realize this [258]. ç

[258] AE to legal guardian Meili, Aug.4, 1948, AE to Hans Albert, Aug.4, 1948.


[The final bill of Otto Nathan, attorney of the Corporation]

The final bill which Otto Nathan is presenting is different from Meili's conclusions from the divorce convencion in one essential point: Nathan is dividing the 87,300 SFr in: at one side, the profit of Hutten Street Realty Corporation, appr. 43,000 SFr., and it may be assumed that this money was cashed to Mileva during the house sale, and: at the other side, there is the reminder sum of appr. 44,000 SFr. which counts as Mileva's property, which - after reducing this sum by several open bills and other costs - has to be parted and given to two heirs, Hans Albert and Eduard. On the basis of this calculation, Nathan Meili makes a proposal for Eduard's lifelong provision: in addition to Eduard's approximately 20,000 francs from Mileva's estate, Albert Einstein will receive the profits from the sale of the house minus the tax liability payable in America, ie approximately 35,000 SFr. and the equivalent of the two mortgages over Sfr 15,000 and Sfr 40,000, totaling around 110,000 SFr. [259]

[259] Otto Nathan to AE, Aug.6, 1948. Thus, Otto Nathan revokes the promise that AE will pay the tax debt in America out of his own pocket; however, the loss is completely offset by Eduard's share of the 40,000 Swiss francs assigned here to Mileva's estate.

[Sep.4, 1948: Otto Nathan announces Einstein: With Mileva 87,300 francs were found - where does the money come from?]

Albert Einstein is informed about this in a letter of Otto Nathan coming in on Sep.4, and only now he is informed of the 87,300 SFr.

First Einstein has no worry that Mileva as it seemed had received cash of more than 40,000 SFr. after the sale of the house. The fact fits into the picture: "Mileva has [...] acted like a real Serbian farmer's daughter concealing her life conditions." But he is not angry, it's "just something funny in all the tragedy." [260]

[260] AE to Otto Nathan, Sep.4, 1948; AE may have actually guessed that one part of the cash came from Mileva's Yugoslav heritage, which she had been trying to trigger for many years [[land possession of the father]].

[The clearance of Mileva's apartment - Frieda Einstein comes with the authority of Hans Albert, "to take the inheritance in receipt": Einstein has never paid his mortgages (!!!) - and thus Einstein's Trust Company gets nothing]

His displeasure, even more his mistrust, is provoked by Frieda Einstein's trip to Zurich.

Hans Albert's wife had offered guardian Meili to assist him in the clearance of Mileva's apartment. On August 23, she arrives in Zurich. She is empowered by her husband to receive the part of the inheritance attributable to him. [261]

[261] Hans Albert to HM, Aug.4, 1948; "Power of Attorney" ("Vollmacht"), Aug.14, 1948; AE to Otto Nathan, Sep.4, 1948.

How justified Albert's mistrust is is shown after Frieda has convinced the legal guardian Meili of a new view of the facts, of Hans Alberts view of the facts, and of her view of Mileva's estate [p.66].

"Probably not without reason," Meili then opens Otto Nathan, Frieda takes the position that the entire 87,300 SFr were, as a remainder of the Nobel Prize, Mileva's property and should be handled accordingly as inheritance. Frieda presumably refers to Albert's - false - confession that he had never payed in the amount of the mortgages, thus "morally" they are Mileva's property [262].

[262] s. AE to Hans Albert, July 11, 1948.

This is a good change of conditions also for legal guardian Meili who anyway has doubts about this Realty Corporation of Hutten Street which is said having taken over the house of Hutten Street no.62. So, Albert's mortgages were "only" installed to save Mileva from the attacks of the creditors - Meili is speaking of "overwriting" mistakenly - he now believes to be able to conclude that there was "in fact" no change of the divorce convension. In coordination with the meaning of the couple Einstein-Knecht, the legal guardian is considering all the means invested in the house as Mileva's possession. And the Corporation (Hutten Street Realty Corporation) has no space left.

[262] s. AE to Hans Albert, July 11, 1948

[Simple handling of the heritage sum: Hans Albert and Eduard each receive half - with detour passing the Corporation]

If Albert Einstein and the corporation wanted to join in this view, the legal guardian would be very satisfied, as "then the estate would only have to be divided in half" and it remains to be clarified whether Hans Albert would like to give his brother, who is more in need, a "voluntary advance" [ 263].
[263] Legal guardian Meili to Otto Nathan, Sep.9, 1948. "Voluntary advance payment" (receipt in advance - Vorbezug) is described in Article no.631 of Swiss Civil Code.

Otto Nathan's response reaches legal guardian Meili on September 30, 1948. In it Nathan emphasizes again what he had already mentioned in conversation with Meili in early August and what is also not unknown to Hans Albert and Frieda: "that [Mileva's] estate is owing about Frs. 43,000.- to Hutten Street Realty Corporation". For legal and tax reasons, the Corporation can not resign to this requirement. Professor Einstein is willing to pay not only the tax debts in the US from its funds, but also to transfer 43,000 SFr from his own pocket to the estate as soon as the Corporation has received the same sum from this estate [264].
[264] Otto Nathan to legal guardian Meili, Sep.27, 1948


What may seem like a nonsensical and unnecessary maneuver, is a well-considered procedure. Whether the money one day directly from Albert's legacy or already now passes on the detour through Mileva's estate in the hands of the sons, is ultimately rather irrelevant. But only if Alberts claims and the Corporation's claims are now legally recognized, he will be - eventually - hinder that the money from Mileva's possession will flow into foreign pockets [265].

[265] s. Otto Nathan to AE, Sep.3, 1948.

This counts for the 87,300 SFr as well as for the mortgage from the year 1935. To avoid a debate on whether or to which extent these 40,000 SFr are to be assigned to the Nobel Prize money, Albert has decided that this sum should go into the mass which has to be parted between the two sons. Together with the 15,000 Swiss francs from the mortgage taken by Albert in 1940 and for obvious reasons he does not want to mix with the Nobel Prize money, but wants to provide for Eduard as a whole, o there remain by the new calculation only about 75,000 Swiss francs for his support; a considerable loss compared with the calculated 110,000 SFr in August which according to Mili's estimation would not be fully used [266].

[266] Otto Nathan to legal guardian Meili, Sep.27, 1948

[End of September 1948: New debts are "discovered": Old taxes something like 9,000 SFr. - and old debt letter 37,616 SFr.]

But at the end of September, even this latest calculation is already outdated. Because in the meantime, the inheritance issue has, as Meili must report, received "new aspects"; debts have emerged that take into question all previous calculations [267],

[267] Legal guardian Meili to Otto Nathan, Sep.28, 1948; This includes, among other things, an old tax requirement of just under CHF 9,000 (see Robert Meyer to Otto Nathan, Dec.22, 1948) and an old debt letter of CHF 37,616.

and there is reason, writes Meili without further details, to the fear that "the sons of Einstein have to turn down the estate of the deceased mother." But this danger can be avoided, he explains, by "treating the matter legally as it has actually developed in fact." One has to read the last sentence a second time to fully realize its meaning.

[Legal guardian Meili now wants to give money to the Corporation ...]

Now the lawyer Meili is changing his position completely - he accepts the real procedures handling the inheritage matter as it is in fact confessing that [p.68] it would be in the interest of all affected family members "when the Corporation (Hutten Street Realty Corporation) wold keep it's claims espectively would have the point of view that essential amounts of the money found with Mileva would not be her possession but the Corporation's possession." Meili has thought a lot with caution between two juridical points of view which are not without problems; well, principally he doubts "the legality of the corporation" [268], but he is determined for acting to the best of his ward Eduard Einstein.

     [268] s. Hans Albert to AE, March 6, 1949.

[Frieda Einstein: Mileva is said to have illegally sold two mortgage bonds and thus amassed the 87,300 Swiss francs?]

At the beginning of October, Frieda [[comes to Princeton]] to father-in-law Einstein communicating him "some enlightenment" from Zurich. "The high cash of Mileva comes obviously from an illegal sale of the two mortgage letters by Mileva", Albert reports to Otto Nathan. "The daughter-in-law was a bit meek and is now very thankful for the existance of the Corporation". It remains unclear how much money got for the two dept letters [269] and in which hands they are now. Albert is asking Nathan now: should one insist on the surrender of the mortgages and repay the money - as the new owner has the idea for sure that the matter is not so clean - or should there be an arrangement with this person on the base of the accomplished facts? For Eduard's support a mortgage with regular interest wold be an advantageous investment, better than any other investment [270].

[269] The amount which was found is about 5,000-7,000 SFr less than expected after the sale of the house and after the sale of the mortgage bonds. It is conceivable that Mileva received less than 55,000 SFr for the two promissory notes; but it would also be conceivable that, as AE feared, cash was "lost" or stolen.
[270] AE to Otto Nathan, Oct.7, 1948.

Mileva had also argued in this way - and she had, against all rationality, taken the step soon after, provoking consequences which provoked again a new calculation for Albert and his projects.

[Mid-October 1948: Corporation cemands 98,000 Swiss Francs from Mileva's estate, including two mortgage letters]

Formally well done and just in time before deadline, albeit without too much hope for success, Otto Nathan therefore made a claim in the name of the Corporation and in Albert's name in mid-October 1948 totaling SFr. 98,000 in relation to Mileva's estate. 55,000 SFr of which are for the mortgage bonds, "which [Prof. Alb. Einstein] was not handed over, but were sold by Mrs. Einstein-Marity and whose revenue was withhold." [271]

[271] Otto Nathan to legal guardian Meili, Oct.11, 948; legal guardian Meili to notary Zurich-Fluntern, Oct.18, 1948.


[Zurich: Swiss attorney Robert Meyer for the Corporation - legal guardian Meili for Eduard - investigation because of taxes, mortgage letters, and psychiatry forever for Eduard]

At the same time, as it becomes increasingly clear that the legal guardian Meili "does not have time to clarify the legal situation", Hutten Street Realty Corporation is hiring an attorney Mr. Robert Meyer. Que Company's questions concern the tax exemption in Switzerland, the whereabouts of mortgage bonds and the most important problem of all: will it be possible to install Eduard for life in a psychiatric hospital? [272] The work as well as cooperation between the two lawyers Meili and Meyer quickly prove fruitful.

[272] Legal guardian Meili to Otto Nathan, Oct.20, 1948; Otto Nathan to AE, Oct.11m, 1948; AE to Robert Meyer, Nov.15, 1948; Otto Nathan to legal guardian Meili, Nov.22, 1948; Otto Nathan to Robert Meyer, Dec.31, 1948.

[Mid Jan. 1949: Mileva is detected: She has sold 2 mortgage letters in Dec. 1947 - Einstein has no more basic claims - the Corporation now has the primary claim]

In the middle of January 1949, an excerpt from the land register proves that Mileva sold the two missing mortgage letters before mid-December 1947. So it's fix, writes Robert Meyer to Otto Nathan, "that Mr. Prof. Einstein ha sno claims any more being secured by a mortgege, but he he can only claim a replacement in respect to the estate of Ms. Einstein, but this claim is in not privileged in no way." [273]

[273] Robert Meyer to Otto Nathan, Jan.14, 1949.

In other words: selling the mortgage bonds - bearer bonds that identify the person holding the note as the owner of the mortgage - Mileva had finally withdrawn the 55,000 SFr. from access by Albert or the Corporation. Their claim against Mileva's estate is, from a legal point of view, forfeited or, at best, justice with individual judge have to judge about the matter now for the non-contentious cases at the Zurich District Court. Thus, a situation has occurred in which, after deduction of all previously known liabilities for Eduards supply possibly just 20,000 SFr remained, this is half of the sum that Albert was promising to pay back to Mileva's estate, in the case that the claim of the Corporation on the sale's profit will be recognized "according to the facts". The proof for Mileva's action in question - even legal guardian Milie will describe in his report this action as an illegal sale - opens to laywer Meyer now the possibility to apply for the begin with a screening process for the recognition of priviliges of claims in respect of the "American" claims

["USA": The tax office demands the profit tax - even without sales documents - not even an inventory exists (!!!)]

At the beginning of 1949, an end to the inheritance clashes is not yet in sight. The US Treasury requires payment of profit tax, which, if no sales documents can be provided, will be based on the official value of the property - 220,000 Swiss francs or higher. The list of inventory, d.i. the calculation of the estate value by guardianship authority and notary [p.70] will take some time. Guardian Meili still can not enter into negotiations with the owner of the old dept letter, who claims nearly half of the money found at Mileva. But there is another fact: it seems comforting that at least one other creditor has missed the registration period.

[February 1949: Eduard shall be handed over to the welfare office - for 60,000 francs - instead to live with Einstein in the "USA" (?!)]

In February 1949, legal guardian Meilis efforts to ensure Eduards supply permanently have reached a critical point. Neither in the cantonal hospital Burghölzli, nor in the urban asylum for old people Pfrundhaus he could "install" his ward. However, the municipal welfare office is ready, Meili teaches the father, "to take over the deposit of a one-time sum befitting the care of your son until the end of his life."
(original German: „gegen Hinterlegung einer einmaligen Summe die standesgemässe Fürsorge für Ihren Sohn bis an dessen Lebensende zu übernehmen.“)
The legal guardian thinks that an agreement on the amount to be paid in is quite possible [274].

[274] Legal guardian Meili to AE, Feb.1, 1949

Albert's question about the approximate height of this amount will be answered by Meili only in the summer of 1949 in a personal conversation with Otto Nathan: In addition to the approximately 30,000 SFr, which Eduard may expect from the maternal estate, he will probably need the same amount again, for a total of 60,000 SFr , [275]

[275] Otto Nathan to AE, Aug.19, 1949

[Mid-March 1949: Mileva's Inventory: fortune of 86,248.63 Swiss francs - debt of 147,000 Swiss francs]

Only after mid-March 1949, the inventory is available. The assets of 86,248.63 SFr, which consisted of Mileva's cash legacy, deducted from current expenses, and a small sum, which resulted in the cleaning of the apartment, are debts by liabilities of approximately 147,000 SFr, which include the requirement which Otto Nathan had filed in October. The minus amounts to more than 60,000 SFr. If this situation persists, then the legal guardian Meili will file for bankruptcy and have to turn down the estate in Edward's name, Hans Albert will have no choice, and creditors will eventually have to fight for the existing capital. How much is left to Albert and the Corporation, which enjoy no privilege over the other creditors, is uncertain. Albert does not want to go down the risk that it could be far less than half of the required 98,000 SFr and for Eduard in the end scarcely 20,000 SFr. will be left.

[December 1948: Operation with Einstein with aneurysm - Einstein wants to prevent that Zureich is charging Hans Albert because of Eduard]

In December 1948, the almost seventy-year-old had undergone an operation. Now the acute danger seems banned, the aneurysm in his abdomen is intact. But he feels weak - "the machinery is not good anymore" - and [p.71] more important than ever it is for him to organize his future legacy. "The only thing that matters to me," he writes to his older son, who once again feels that he has been over-privileged, is "to create clear conditions before my death and possibly prevent Tetel from being a burden on the state of Zurich", therefore, it has to be hindered that the state of Zurich could charge Hans Albert for payments one time in future [276].

[276] AE to Max Born, January 1949; AE to legal guardian Meili, Jan.24, 1949, Hans Albert to AE, Feb.21, 1949, AE to Hans Albert, March 2, 1949.

[Princeton: Einstein will stick to his demands]

As soon as a few weeks after Mileva's death it was clear that scarcely so much money would be left as expected or hoped for, and now Albert Einstein had hinted that he personally, as well as the Corporation in favor of the sons, especially in favor of Eduard, would refrain to their claims against Mileva's estate. But as long as the "moral justification" of the claims of third parties is not clear and can harm the sons' heritage, he wants to stick to his demands. He confirms this in February 1949 one more time [277].

[277] AE to legal guardian Meili, Feb.5, 1949.

[Zureich (Zurich): legal guardian Meili negotiates with real estate broker Jacques Widmer: the goal is to reduce the requirement from 37 mils to 10 mils]

Disputed above all is the claim for more than 37,000 SFr by Jacques Widmer, whi is according to lawyer Meyer a "reckless property broker" who has acquired the loss certificate without a doubt for a smaller amount, and he "certainly does not shy away from funds, to enrich himself at the expense of Prof. Einstein and the Corporation." [278]

[278] Robert Meyer to Otto Nathan, March 28, 1949.

While legal guardian Meili now negotiates as the heirs' representative with Jacques Widmer - lawyer Meyer considers the reduction of Widmer's claim to the sum of 10,000 SFr to be desirable, perhaps even possible [279] - Albert endeavors to convince his suspicious elder son of the legitimacy of his procedure, and convincing him that all these sums which are now claimed for himself patiently will fall to the sons at the end: "You (Teddel and you) would get the remainder of the money in any case." [280]

[279] Robert Meyer to Otto Nathan, March 24, 1949.
[280] AE to Hans Albert, March 2, 1949, April 5, 1949
[Berkeley: Hans Albert warns Einstein to give him money for the own administration]

In 1932 the son, full of envy against the weak and sick, to whom he saw himself prejudiced, had accused his father of "not even to be worthy to receive at least a modest memento of you after your death". A good fifteen years later, Hans Albert is choosing careful words and prudent-sounding compromise proposals. But his old anger on the still [p.72] almightily omnipotent father [281] remains palpable:

"If you put all the money in other people's hands, and if that money were ever lost, I would definitely not feel obliged to help Teddy later on. But if you give me a chance to manage some of the money myself, then of course I will take the appropriate responsibility." [282]

[281] s. R.Ettema / C.Mutel: Hans Albert Einstein, p.219.
[282] Hans Albert to AE, March 6, 1949.

In April 1949, lawyer Meyer is solicitating the priviliged position or at least the legality of the "American" claim for the estate. Meyer presents for this at the at the Guardianship Authority and notary a detailed six-page affidavit declaration and numerous excerpts of correspondence between Mileva and representatives of the Corporation [283].

[283] Robert Meyer to Guardianship Authority, March 28, 1949; Otto Nathan to AE, April 5, 1949; Otto Nathan to Robert Meyer, April 5, 1949; Guardianship Authority to notary Zurich-Fluntern, April 8, 1949; Robert Meyer at notary of Zurich-Fluntern, April 11, 1949; Otto Nathan to Robert Meyer, April 12, 1949; Robert Meyer to Otto Nathan, April 14, 1949.

In the middle of September 1949, legal guardian Meili has to apply for a second respite for accepting or rejecting the legacy. Because after all, Albert does not want to give up hope that the promissory note holder will reduce his claim "to an acceptable amount so that the matter can be settled without judicial intervention during my lifetime." [284]

[284] Legal guardian Meili to Otto Nathan, Sep.9, 1949, AE to legal guardian Meili, Sep.16, 1949.

[Zurich, late September 1949: Jacques Widmer reduces his demand from 37 mils to 15 mils]

Albert's steadfastness bears fruit. At the end of September, Jacques Widmer agrees to waive further claims against payment of 15,000 SFr.

"Thankfully," as Meili's final report is expressing it, both - Hutten Street Realty Corporation and Prof. Albert Einstein - are now making an unconditional renunciation of their claims. Thus, the passive surplus disappears; the up to that time still "stray good" becomes an active estate, which the two heirs can accept and represent [285].

[285] "Agreement" between the heirs and Jacques Widmer, before October 20, 1949; Otto Nathan to AE, Oct.8, 1949; AE to legal guardian Meili,  Oct.10, 1949; s. a. legal guardian Meili to AE, Sep.23, 1949.

[Zureich: Further maneuvers by lawyer Meyer for the Corporation and by legal guardian Meili against creditors]

Lawyer Meyer now has the condition to apply for a reduction of the tax debt. Guardian Meili, meanwhile, is trying to persuade the remaining creditors to reduce even their comparatively insignificant claims in favor of his ward. He does not want to exclude the fact that Hans Albert [p.73] is givin in to the wish of his father and that the "sums freed up by Prof. [Albert] Einstein's waiver by a waiver of Dr. [Hans] Albert Einstein could only pass to Eduard Einstein. "[286]

[286] Legal guardian Meili to Otto Nathan, Sep. 23, 1949.

[Berkeley near San Francisco: Hans Albert Einstein says that this Eduard has got enough already - Einstein raises in his will the sum for Eduard]

Albert considers his elder son less accommodating. In the spring Hans Albert had wordily explained to the father why he did not intend to renounce in favor of his brother on a part of his inheritance. Albert had come to the conclusion that he would increase the amount made available to Eduard in his own will. In October 1949 - the new version of the will is in process - this sum is $ 10,000 [[in those times 42,000 Swiss Francs]], nearly a third more than guardian Meili had estimated in August. Albert would be ready to surrender this sum at any time beforehand, if this, together with his maternal inheritance, could be used to "pay Eduard's support" for the rest of his life without financial state aid. [287]

[287] Letter AE to legal guardian Meili, no date, October 1949; s.a. AE to Otto Nathan, no date, End of October 1949.

[March 20, 1950: legal guardian Meili presents the liquidation and final billing partition statement]

Finally, just a few days before the end of 1949, all departments concerned with inheritance issues issued the necessary authorizations and, according to legal guardian Meili, the point was reached where the money could be received [288]. It takes two more months of skillful and patient negotiations with the other creditors - the tax authority, Mileva's doctor, a lawyer - and the heir Hans Albert Einstein, before legal guardian Meili can present his liquidation and divisional bill on March 20, 1950 [289].

[288] Legal guardian Meili to Otto Nathan, Dec.27, 1949.
[289] Otto Nathan, Dec.31, 1949; Robert Meyer to Otto Nathan, Jan.26, 1950, Feb.27, 1950; Otto Nathan to Robert Meyer, Feb.21, 1950; Hans Albert to AE, Feb.2, 1950

10. With the distribution of the money from Mileva's estate in 1950, the last remnants of the Nobel Prize are shifted to the hands of his children, as Albert had in project in 1918

[Eduard ends up in a "family care"]

There is the suspicion but there is no indication that the Municipal Welfare Office finally rejected to handle the Eduard's matter ensuring him a "proper" care until the end of his life against a deposit of his legal guardian Meili which was offered. Perhaps Meili did simply [p.74] make further efforts about it when Eduard could be released from Burghölzli to a family care and it seemed not to be excluded that he could work for example as a gardener's assistant making a part of his living himself outside a care facility.

[Hans Albert must agree to the partition plan]

But there are data in the documents that Hans Albert was giving in the partition of the estate giving his brother an amount which was a little bit higher - well, Hans Albert will have given in grudgingly and at the last moment.

[Professor Hans Albert in Berkeley - with 30,000 Swiss francs from Mileva and money gifts from Father Einstein]

[30,000 Swiss francs in 1949 are only about 7,000 dollars].

Hans Albert's income as Professor of Hydraulic Engineering at the University of Berkeley and as a world-renowned consultant in the field of river regulation fed his family. The 30,000 Swiss francs he received from Mileva's estate in 1950 were a welcome addition, as were the three-digit and occasionally four-digit sums that Albert continued to provide from time to time for his grandchildren's education and vacations.

[Eduard may live on interest and with Einstein money gifts]

The 40,000 Swiss francs given to Eduard were invested in Swiss bonds by the Guardianship Authority resulting in 60 to 80 SFr interest per month. Together with the 350 SFr. which were given by his father until his death all months this was just enough to ensure Eduard's alimentation. Only little amounts had to be taken from the capital from time to time. When Albert Einstein died in 1955, Eduard's account hat almost 39,000 SFr. yet from Mileva's estate. May be this amount can be considered as a remainder of the Nobel Prize money?

[1955: death of Einstein - legal guardian Meili gets the inheritance for Eduard: $ 15,000 = then $ 64,256.25]

With the death of the father ended the transfers from Princeton and Eduard received the testamentary sum defined for him of $ 15,000: 64,256.25 SFr. Legal guardian Meili now had to organize Eduard's life with the good 100,000 SFr; significant additional revenues were no longer expected [290].

[290] In his last years, Eduard received a tiny double-digit disability pension; Margot Einstein sent smaller sums for special needs once or twice a year.

[1965: death of Eduard Einstein with about 67,000 Swiss francs of assets - Hans Albert in Berkeley is unique heir]

Hans Albert's fear that he would one day have to pay for the upkeep of his impoverished brother, was not true. On the contrary: when he [[Eduard]] died in the autumn of 1965, Eduard left behind around SFr. 67,000. Unique heir was his brother. After deduction of the inheritance tax and the costs of burial and tombstone, Hans Albert was awarded a [S.75] sum which generously compensated him for the amount he paid after the death of the mother had ceded to the needier brother.

In this sum may have been included the last remnants of the Nobel Prize, which Albert wanted to reserve for his sons half a century earlier [p.76].

[Hans Albert died in 1973 because of a stroke - web02].

11. Footnotes
Albert Einstein: AE
Mileva Einstein-Maric: Mileva
Hans Albert Einstein: Hans Albert
Eduard Einstein (Tete, Teddy): Eduard
Otto Nathan: Otto Nathan
Heinrich Zangger: Zangger
Georg Guggenheim: Guggenheim
Hutten Street Realty Corporation: Corporation HuttRC
[[Dr. jur Heinrich Meili, legal guardian of Eduard and Mileva Einstein: HM]]

12. Sources
Almost all documents which are a base for this work and with quotations are generally accessable in the following archives:
-- Albert Einstein Archives, Hebrew University of Jerusalem
-- Central Library of Zurich (Zentralbibliothek Zürich), handwriting department, estate of Heinrich Zangger
-- Town's Archives of Zurich, documents of the Guardianship Authority about Mileva Einstein-Maric;
-- Documents of the Guardianship Authority about Eduard Einstein
-- University of Iowa’s College of Engineering, IIHR Hans Albert Einstein Papers
-- Many singular documents are as copies or carbon copy or written copy in more than on of these archives. And there are publication of documents or partial documents here:
-- The Collected Papers of Albert Einstein, Princeton University Press, 1987ff; vols. 5, 8, 9, 13, 14, 15 (until May 1927 inclusive); online: https://einsteinpapers.press.princeton.edu/
-- R. Schulmann (eds.): Congeniality. The correspondence between Albert Einstein and Heinrich Zangger. Zurich 2012
(original German: Seelenverwandtschaft. Der Briefwechsel zwischen Albert Einstein und Heinrich Zangger. Zürich 2012)
-- R Ettema, C. Mutel: Hans Albert Einstein. His Life as a Pioneering Engineer. Reston, VA 2014

Therefore I resigned to archive signatures in the footnotes.

Documents which are in Albert Einstein Archives and which are the big majority of the sources used by me, can be identified in the online catalogue http://www.alberteinstein.info/database.html [p.77].


Max Planck Institute for the History of Science: Preprints since 2014 (a full list can be found at our website)

454 Klaus Geus and Mark Geller (eds.) Esoteric Knowledge in Antiquity (TOPOI - Dahlem Seminar for the History of Ancient Sciences Vol. II)
455 Carola Sachse Grundlagenforschung. Zur Historisierung eines wissenschaftspolitischen Ordnungsprinzips am Beispiel der Max-Planck-Gesellschaft (1945–1970)
456 David E. Rowe and Robert Schulmann General Relativity in the Context of Weimar Culture
457 F. Jamil Ragep From Tūn to Turun: The Twists and Turns of the Ṭūsī-Couple
458 Pietro Daniel Omodeo Efemeridi e critica all’astrologia tra filosofia naturale ed etica: La contesa tra Benedetti e Altavilla nel tardo Rinascimento torinese
459 Simone Mammola Il problema della grandezza della terra e dell’acqua negli scritti di Alessandro Piccolomini, Antonio Berga e G. B. Benedetti e la progressiva dissoluzione della cosmologia delle sfere elementari nel secondo ’500
460 Stefano Bordoni Unexpected Convergence between Science and Philosophy: A debate on determinism in France around 1880
461 Angelo Baracca Subalternity vs. Hegemony – Cuba’s Unique Way of Overcoming Subalternity through the Development of Science
462 Eric Hounshell & Daniel Midena “Historicizing Big Data” Conference, MPIWG, October 31 – November 2, 2013 (Report)
463 Dieter Suisky Emilie Du Châtelet und Leonhard Euler über die Rolle von Hypothesen. Zur nach-Newtonschen Entwicklung der Methodologie
464 Irina Tupikova Ptolemy’s Circumference of the Earth (TOPOI - Towards a Historical Epistemology of Space)
465 Irina Tupikova, Matthias Schemmel, Klaus Geus Travelling along the Silk Road: A new interpretation of Ptolemy’s coordinates
466 Fernando Vidal and Nélia Dias The Endangerment Sensibility
467 Carl H. Meyer & Günter Schwarz The Theory of Nuclear Explosives That Heisenberg Did not Present to the German Military
468 William G. Boltz and Matthias Schemmel Theoretical Reflections on Elementary Actions and Instrumental Practices: The Example of the Mohist Canon (TOPOI - Towards a Historical Epistemology of Space)
469 Dominic Olariu The Misfortune of Philippus de Lignamine’s Herbal or New Research Perspectives in Herbal Illustrations From an Iconological Point of View
470 Fidel Castro Díaz-Balart On the Development of Nuclear Physics in Cuba
471 Manfred D. Laubichler and Jürgen Renn Extended Evolution
472 John R. R. Christie Chemistry through the ‘Two Revolutions’: Chemical Glasgow and its Chemical Entrepreneurs, 1760-1860
473 Christoph Lehner, Helge Wendt Mechanik in der Querelle des Anciens et des Modernes
474 N. Bulatovic, B. Saquet, M. Schlender, D. Wintergrün, F. Sander Digital Scrapbook – can we enable interlinked and recursive knowledge equilibrium?
475 Dirk Wintergrün, Jürgen Renn, Roberto Lalli, Manfred Laubichler, Matteo Valleriani Netzwerke als Wissensspeicher
476 Wolfgang Lefèvre „Das Ende der Naturgeschichte“ neu verhandelt
477 Martin Fechner Kommunikation von Wissenschaft in der Neuzeit: Vom Labor in die Öffentlichkeit
478 Alexander Blum, Jürgen Renn, Matthias Schemmel Experience and Representation in Modern Physics: The
Reshaping of Space (TOPOI - Towards a Historical Epistemology of Space)
479 Carola Sachse Die Max-Planck-Gesellschaft und die Pugwash Conferences on Science and World Affairs
480 Yvonne Fourès-Bruhat Existence theorem for certain systems of nonlinear partial differential equations
481 Thomas Morel, Giuditta Parolini, Cesare Pastorino (eds.) The Making of Useful Knowledge [S.79]
482 Wolfgang Gebhardt Erich Kretschmann. The Life of a Theoretical Physicist in Difficult Times
483 Elena Serrano Spreading the Revolution: Guyton’s Fumigating Machine in Spain. Politics, Technology, and Material Culture (1796–1808)
484 Jenny Bangham, Judith Kaplan (eds.) Invisibility and Labour in the Human Sciences
485 Dieter Hoffman, Ingo Peschel (eds.) Man möchte ja zu seinem Fach etwas beitragen
486 Elisabeth Hsu, Chee Han Lim Enskilment into the Environment: the Yijin jing Worlds of Jin and Qi
487 Jens Høyrup Archimedes: Knowledge and Lore from Latin Antiquity to the Outgoing European Renaissance
488 Jens Høyrup Otto Neugebauer and the Exploration of Ancient Near Eastern Mathematics
489 Matteo Valleriani, Yifat-Sara Pearl, Liron Ben Arzi (eds.) Images Don’t Lie(?)
490 Frank W. Stahnisch (ed.) Émigré Psychiatrists, Psychologists, and Cognitive Scientists in North America since the Second World War
491 María Sánchez Colina, Angelo Baracca, Carlos Cabal Mirabal, Arbelio Pentón Madrigal, Jürgen Renn, Helge Wendt (eds.) Historia de la física en Cuba (siglo XX)
492 Matthias Schemmel Everyday Language and Technical Terminology: Reflective Abstractions in the Long-term History of Spatial Terms
493 Barbara Wolff „Derartige kolossale Opfer ...“ Der Nobelpreis für Physik für das Jahr 1921 – was geschah mit dem Preisgeld? [S.80]

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[web01] https://snbchf.com/chf/chf-history/gold-standard-bretton-woods/
[web02] https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hans_Albert_Einstein

Photo sources
[1] Stock Exchange: Dow Jones from 1925 to 1955: http://livingstingy.blogspot.com/2012/07/are-rates-of-return-really-down-no.html